Domestic Violence
Dating Violence/Abuse Hypocrisy
October is
National Domestic Violence Month Domestic violence can be physical, sexual, emotional, economic, or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person. This includes any behaviors that intimidate, manipulate, humiliate, isolate, frighten, terrorize, coerce, threaten, blame, hurt, injure, or wound someone. Domestic violence can happen to anyone regardless of race, age, sexual orientation, religion, or gender. Domestic violence affects people of all socioeconomic backgrounds and education levels. Domestic violence occurs in both opposite-sex and same-sex relationships and can happen to intimate partners who are married, living together, or dating. Domestic violence not only affects those who are abused, but also has a substantial effect on family members, friends, co-workers, other witnesses, and the community at large. Children, who grow up witnessing domestic violence, are among those seriously affected by this crime. Frequent exposure to violence in the home not only predisposes children to numerous social and physical problems, but also teaches them that violence is a normal way of life - therefore, increasing their risk of becoming society's next generation of victims and abusers. Next time 11 facts everyone
should know about domestic violence against men Data from the National Crime Victimization Study between 2003 and 2012 show that men account for about 24 percent of domestic violence survivors. Domestic violence against men is real and takes just as many forms as domestic violence against women—physical, sexual, reproductive, financial, emotional and psychological. Here are 10 more facts to know about domestic violence against men:
Domestic violence—whether against
women or men—often goes unreported. Men in particular
may decide not to report violence by an intimate partner to
law enforcement for fear of being labeled the instigator or
not believed. No instance of domestic violence is justified.
Whether you’re male or female, it’s never your
fault. If you are dealing with domestic violence, call the
National Domestic Violence Hotline at 800-799-SAFE (7233) or
Text "Help" to 741741.. Men
Experiencing Domestic Violence Much of the attention related to domestic violence focuses on women as victims, perhaps because women are victims more often than men and because men are less likely to report abuse than women. However, men also are victims, sometimes at the hands of a female partner, and at other times a parent or same-sex partner. Below are a number of surprising statistics about the frequency of domestic violence against men. Approximately 1 in 12 men in the U.S. (8.0%) has experienced sexual violence other than rape by an intimate partner in his lifetime. This includes being made to penetrate an intimate partner (2.2%), sexual coercion (4.2%), unwanted sexual contact (2.6%) and non-contact unwanted sexual experiences (2.7%). In the 12 months prior to taking the survey, 2.5% or nearly 2.8 million men experienced sexual violence other than rape by an intimate partner. Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and More than 1 in 4 men (28.5%) in the U.S. have experienced rape, physical violence and/or stalking by an intimate partner violence in their lifetime. Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Approximately 1 in 4 men in the U.S. (25.7%) have been slapped, pushed or shoved by an intimate partner in his lifetime, and 4.5% or approximately 5 million men, reported experiencing these behaviors in the 12 months prior to taking the survey. Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Nearly 1 in 7 men in the United States (13.8%) has experienced severe physical violence by an intimate partner in his lifetime. About 9.4% of men have been hit with a fist or something hard by an intimate partner, 4.3% reported being kicked. Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Nearly half of men in the U.S. (48.8%) have experienced psychological aggression by an intimate partner during their lifetime. Approximately one-third (31.9%) experienced some form of expressive aggression and about 4 in 10 (42.5%) experienced coercive control. Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The majority of men (73.1%) who have experienced intimate partner violence said it was by one partner, while 18.6% were victimized by two partners and 8.3% were victimized by three or more partners. Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The most common age when intimate partner violence is first experienced by men is age 18-24 (47.1%), followed by age 25-34 (30.6%), age 11-17 (15.0%), age 35-44 (10.3%) and age 45+ (5.5%). Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Frequent headaches, chronic pain, difficulty sleeping, and poor physical or mental health are roughly twice as common among men with a history of rape or stalking by any perpetrator, or physical violence by an intimate partner, compared to men without a history of these forms of violence. Source: National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010 Summary Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Men who are victimized are
substantially less likely than women to report their
situation to police; only 13.5% of intimate partner assaults
are reported to law enforcement. Source: National Institute
of Justice and the Centers of Disease Control and
Prevention, “Extent, Nature and Consequences of
Intimate Partner Violence: Findings from the National
Violence Against Women Survey,” (2000). What All Men Can
Do
Women
as Batterers According to the US Justice Department and the Centers for Prevention & Disease control, over 1/3 of all batterers involved in domestic violence were wives or girlfriends. Are you a victim and don't know it? Are you willing to take the chance that you could "die of embarrassment" or are you willing to admit it? In 1998 there were 2,335,000 reported cases of spousal abuse. 1,500,00 women were abused by their husbands or boyfriends. However, many that haven't been around or heard the stories over the years were shocked to see that 835,000 men were battered by their wives or girlfriends which represent over 1/3 of all domestic violence cases. Other reports by the U. S. Justice Department showed that "out of 8,000 men surveyed, 9.7% of male domestic violence victims took out restraining orders. Out of 8,000 women surveyed, 68% violated restraining orders. And, each year, approximately 1 in 1,000 men report violent victimization by an intimate." This doesn't count emotional or verbal abuse. This was a shock on the talk show circuit, though female violence is acted out every day on Sally Jesse Raphael and Jerry Springer. On 2/25/99 Montel did a show on this "Ugly Little Secret" and a few days later on March 2, 1999, Oprah did a show calling it "The Shameful Secret". Both seemed surprised and listened as the women gave excuses - he made me angry, he walked away, I couldn't help it, I grew up in an abusive household. The closing was also surprising. Oprah gave no resource information, phone numbers, nothing for battered men or women perpetrators, and Montel did give a number for the National Domestic Violence Hotlline at 800.799.SAFE (7233). Unfortunately, the person we talked to didn't know of any resources in the nation for battered men and women perpetrators. Other sources tell us that there are at least of the 24 Alternatives to Violence programs in the state of Texas (where the hotline is based) that offer such programs but the people who run the hotline haven't provided us with any contacts. As of 6.15.00 it will be a year since we asked. We have gathered 36 such programs that are listed in our "resource" section. The code for battered men is 86 and 89 for women perpetrators. We've also prepared a rather
extensive section directed to men at the end of this section
called The
Rights of Battered Men and
another topic titled The
Beat Goes On about how
violence from women to men is acted out daily on television
and accepted as okay. Also a write-up on possible cause
titled TV
violence. Check it out. This
is the complete Public Forum piece
(http://bit.ly/tEZEe4
You are probably already aware that domestic violence is a pattern of abusive behavior in any relationship that is used by one intimate partner to gain or maintain power and control over another intimate partner. Domestic violence can be physical, sexual, emotional, economic, or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person. This includes any behaviors that intimidate, manipulate, humiliate, isolate, frighten, terrorize, coerce, threaten, blame, hurt, injure, or wound someone. Domestic violence can happen to anyone regardless of race, age, sexual orientation, religion, or gender. Domestic violence affects people of all socioeconomic backgrounds and education levels. Domestic violence occurs in both other-sex and same-sex relationships and can happen to intimate partners who are married, living together, or dating. Domestic violence not only affects those who are abused, but also has a substantial effect on family members, friends, coworkers, other witnesses, and the community at large. You may have been aware of some or all of this. However, whatever awareness you may have gained from the media during Domestic Violence Awareness Month, I doubt if any of it made you aware of any of the following. Are you aware that, according to the US Justice Department and the Centers for Prevention & Disease control, in over 1/3 of all reported cases, the batterers were wives or girlfriends? (1) And we believe that all domestic violence is underreported, especially by men. Are you aware that other reports by the U.S. Justice Department showed that "out of 8,000 men surveyed, 9.7% of male domestic violence victims took out restraining orders. Out of 8,000 women surveyed, 68% violated restraining orders." Are you aware that a large scale study of Domestic Violence published recently in the American Journal of Public Health (1) found that, according to both men's and women's accounts, 50% of the violence in their relationships was reciprocal involving both parties. In those cases, the women were more likely to have been the first to strike. Moreover, when the violence was one-sided, both women and men said that women were the perpetrators about 70% of the time. Are you aware that a further study of women who were in battered women's shelters revealed that 67% of them reported severe violence toward their partner in the past year. Of all of the scenarios - violence by him only, violence by her only, violence by both with him initiating, and violence by both with her initiating, the most likely to result in future injury to women is when she initiates violence against him and he responds. (1) Are you aware that 75% of the domestic violence homicides were women. That is the only point ever made. What is seldom talked about is that the remaining 25% represents women who killed the man. Women do kill. (2) This kind of reporting is rampant. In the October/November 2010 report from the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence, it had a story "Safety plan for a friend, relative or coworker who is being abused by an intimate partner." The headline sounds pretty neutral. However, there was well over a hundred notations where gender was specified and in every case, the female was the victim and the male was the batterer. Even in Oregon's own "Child Welfare Practices for Cases with Domestic Violence", every time the woman or man is specified, the victim is always seen as the woman and the perpetrator is always seen as the man. The sad thing is that there are very few alternative to violence programs available for these female batterers and their male victims. At first glance, the notion that this could be a widespread or serious problem strikes most people as ridiculous - including some who have been personally affected. Fifteen years ago, some researchers studying female violence were subjected to harassment that ranged from heckling at their appearances to ugly rumors about their personal lives to death threats. Despite growing evidence that violence in the home often involves female aggression or mutual combat, resistance to the view of domestic violence as a two-way street remains strong. Domestic violence organizations have proclaimed a "backlash" against women and others warn that if more attention is paid to female violence, women's shelters may lose support as public concern and resources and that battered women will find less sympathy when they go to the police or to court. This is not to say that the conventional image is never accurate. All too many women are battered and terrorized by abusive husbands. But it's only one part of the story. Are you aware that there were 55 cases of domestic violence in Curry County of which only 2 involved a female batterer. (3) The idea of battered men evokes comic-strip images of the wife wielding a rolling pin. Many men are inclined to find it amusing when the "little woman" lashes out at them. They believe that it must be their fault. They are not even aware that they are in an abusive relationship. With only 4% of domestic violence cases in Curry County involving men as the victim, you might take this as an indication that women in Curry County don't follow the national averages. I believe that it's actually related more to the hard working men we have in the county. Many of them have grown up in a culture that says, if a woman hits you, you must have deserved it - so deal with it. What would clearly be seen in other communities as domestic violence is seen as normal. This represents a total lack of awareness about what constitutes domestic violence. Most men aren't even aware that they are in an abusive relationship. No one has the right to be abusive in relationship. Men, answer these questions yes or no:
If you answered yes to any of these questions, you are in a potentially abusive relationship. Violence that seems harmless at first usually escalates. Men must take any violence seriously. The first time she hits or slaps you, tell her that if there's a second time, you'll report it to the police, then act on it. What can male
survivors do to protect themselves and their children?
(http://bit.ly/75i3DO
If it happens, don't keep it a secret. Let someone know. Overcome your embarrassment. Call the police, talk to a counselor, social services (especially if children are getting abused), a therapist, your doctor, minister or friend or the advocates at the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 800.799.7233. Realize that you are not alone, there are hundreds of thousands of other men who are being abused by their wives or girl friends. Know that you simply don't deserve to be treated like that. And neither do your children! Children who grow up witnessing domestic violence, are among those seriously affected by this crime? Frequent exposure to violence in the home not only predisposes children to numerous social and physical problems, but also teaches them that violence is a normal way of life therefore, increasing their risk of becoming society's next generation of victims and abusers. In the article I referred to above there has a line that read "...most people who abuse their partners are not good parents and that many of them physically or sexually abuse their children..." Unless you are in the
Child Abuse movement, you probably aren't aware that almost
two-thirds of the perpetrators of child maltreatment are
women and that 68% of these women are younger than 30. Women
lead in five of the six categories: Physical abuse - 52%,
neglect - 74%, medical neglect - 82%, psychological abuse -
52%, and other abuse - 57% and represent 63% of the
perpetrators of child fatalities. This is not to hide the
fact that there are a substantial number of male
perpetrators and that men represent 74% of the perpetrators
of sexual abuse. However, in this category, parents are the
perpetrators in 50% of all cases with mothers as the
perpetrator in over 27% of cases, fathers in over 35% of
cases, less than an 8% difference. (http://bit.ly/strqCq
Something else you can do is speak out about your experience as a survivor of abuse. If just the men who were being abused spoke out, the press, schools, law enforcement and the medical profession couldn't ignore it any longer and maybe we as a society would finally realize that domestic violence is not about "patriarchy" but about human imperfection; that it is not a gender issue but a human issue. Maybe then we will stop the blame game and look for ways to make our society less violent. Gordon Clay (1)
American Journal of Public Health. May 2007 pages
941-947
http://bit.ly/sAJhhU
(2) Adjusted with updated information from Bureau of Justice Statistics, Intimate Partner Violence in the U.S. 1993-2004, 2006. (3) Everett Dial, Curry County DA Reference Sources as backup but not presented above: Injustice
anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. http://bit.ly/tpITOy
Substantial
increase of arrests of women for offenses against the family
from 9.1% in 1963 to 20.8% in 1994. A woman's
perpetration of violence was the strongest predictor of her
being a victim of partner violence. Rights of
battered men - http://bit.ly/75i3DO
Domestic
Violence General - http://bit.ly/ro5gz
Child
Maltreatment - http://bit.ly/strqCq
Child
Maltreatment Reports from the States to the National Child
Abuse and Neglect Data System, U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services
http://1.usa.gov/qEYbfm
Important
Book: A Typology of Domestic Violence, Intimate
terrorism, violent resistance, and situational couple
violence Michael Johnson http://amzn.to/rzoPZ0
Other Books
on DV:
http://bit.ly/rK1tbr
Resources on
DV: http://bit.ly/sZBGQi
Making
the Link: Promoting Safety of Battered Women and Children
Exposed to Domestic
Violence
Minnesota
Center Against Violence and
Abuse
Family
Violence Prevention Fund
National
Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges Family Violence
Department
“How
to File a Restraining
Order”
Substance
Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Dept. of
Health and Human Services, Center for Substance Abuse
Treatment’s Treatment Improvement Protocol #25
Substance Abuse Treatment and Domestic Violence: go to the
SAMHSA
Web
site and select “Treatment Improvement
Protocols”
Oregon
Department of Human Services domestic violence pages in the
Abuse and Neglect section has links to list
of domestic violence service providers in
Oregon
Oregon
Coalition Against Domestic and Sexual
Violence
Oregon
Family Law Resources through Oregon Judicial
Department
Washington
Coalition Against Domestic Violence publications
4
Damaging Domestic Violence Myths We Need to Change "If it was me, I wouldn’t put up with it. " "I don’t get it." Domestic violence can seem like something that only happens to other people. That's far from the case. You most likely have a friend, family member, or coworker who has gone through some type of emotional or physical abuse in their relationship. Domestic violence is defined as "violent or aggressive behavior in the home, usually by a partner or spouse." However, there are a lot of false ideas about what “actual” domestic violence is. To combat this epidemic, we must understand the myths about relationship abuse and how we can dispel them. Myth: Domestic violence is a women’s issue. Statistically, women are more likely to experience abuse from a male partner. According to the US Department of Human Services, one in four women will go through severe intimate partner violence. But it’s not only a women's issue. Men experience abuse by women more than you might think (and more than the media shows). Studies suggest that one in nine men will be abused by a female partner. While this number may say high, the real number is likely much higher. Researchers believe that the fear of being seen as “weak” can make men less likely to report. “Failing to acknowledge that abuse occurs across genders and sexualities only leaves more people in danger.” Those in the LGBTQ+ community are also much less likely to report abuse. The National Coalition Against Domestic Violence estimates that up to one in two queer women and one in three queer men experience some sort of intimate partner violence. Homophobic rhetoric and fear of being outed can make victims cautious to reach out. Additionally, there's little to no discourse around the topic. If the media was to be believed, abuse"doesn't happen" in queer relationships. But the reality is that domestic violence can happen to anyone, in any sort of relationship. Failing to acknowledge that abuse occurs across genders and sexualities only leaves more people in danger. If you’re in an abusive relationship, text SOS at 741741. It’s a free, 24/7, and confidential resource. (Editor's note: Teach your children when to contact emergency services. But which emergency service? While you might think 911 would be best, realize that they would have to stay on the line and "talk" which, if the perpetrator noticed, might bring the violence to them. Youth prefer texting to talking so teach them to text SOS to 741741. This is the Crisis Text Line, a national, free, 24/7 service. They can text with a couselor who, depending on the severity of the situation, contacts 911 and is the go-between to keep those at 911 updated on the situation. This keeps the youth safer and gets emergency services there quicker.) Myth: The victim can just leave the situation. Domestic violence has many layers. Abusers exert their control by creating like isolation, financial dependence, and emotional manipulation, as well as physical fear. Abusers are crafty. They spend a lot of energy keeping their victims under their thumbs in any way they can. They can push away family and friends, prevent a victim from having a job, and prohibit day-to-day necessities. They can even limit the victim's transportation, further cutting off contact with the outside world. If there are kids involved, a simple threat to take them away or to hurt them can stop an attempt to leave ice cold. (Editor's note: If you are a man being abused and their are children in the household and you leave with them, it might be seen as kidnaping. On the other hand, if you don't stay and protect them, it may be seen as abandonment or endangeerment. There are cases where the man ends up with more jail time than the woman and sometimes the man is the only one who ends up in jail.) Myth: People lie about abuse. There will always be a small minority of people who claim to be victims for opportunistic gain. However, this is not the norm. Abuse is not a “one and done” situation. A first slap, push, or punch is not likely to be the only time it happens. Domestic violence is a pattern of manipulative behaviors, which when left unchecked can have serious consequences. At the end of the day, it is dangerous to assume someone is being untruthful about being in an abusive situation. I can speak from personal experience when I tell you that not being believed is a horrible thing. If someone tells you they are being abused, assume it is true. It may be the only time they ask for help and it is up to you to support them. Myth: Domestic violence is a personal issue and we shouldn’t get involved This is probably the biggest hurdle to combating abuse. We often feel uncomfortable intervening because we don’t want to be seen as “nosy”. The reality is that the best way thing you can do for someone in a violent situation is to try and help. When you think about it, it makes sense to try to intervene. The violence is happening within the family so true help can’t be found within that unit. “Simply asking the person what they need empowers them during a time they may not feel like they have much power” Helping can look different depending on the situation. It could mean calling the police. It could mean just being there and offering a safe space for the victim to talk about the situation. Simply asking the person what they need empowers them during a time they may not feel like they have much power. Not taking any action leaves the person being abused alone to deal with what is happening. It can be scary to get involved in a domestic violence situation. However, think about how scared the person you’re helping may be. A step toward helping can literally mean the difference between life and death. Support those experiencing relationship violence by becoming a Crisis Counselor. Getting rid of misconceptions about domestic violence isn’t easy. Abuse is an uncomfortable subject to talk about. If you haven’t gone through it, you can’t understand the pain victims are in. We can help by not standing on the sidelines and instead taking action to help. You may not realize it, but you have the chance to save a life. Don’t let it slip by. Christi Barger is a domestic violence
survivor and counselor with Crisis Text Line. Currently, Ms.
Barger works for a non-profit crime prevention organization
and is an executive member and speaker with VOICES, a
survivor’s speakers bureau aimed at increasing domestic
violence awareness in the community. Guns
and Domestic Violence: The Scary Statistics
10/2/22 This story contains descriptions of physical and emotional abuse. If you or a loved one is a victim of abuse, call the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 800-799-7233, or log on to thehotline.org for help, or call 911 if physical abuse is happening or imminent. For more about the warning signs of domestic abuse, visit the National Network to End Domestic Violence (NNEDV) website at womenslaw.org. In just one state, in one year — Iowa, 2021 — the murders added up. Different ages, relationships, but the same ending. Margaret Jensen, 54, was shot to death by her husband, who then shot and killed himself. Wilanna Bibbs, 20, had hoped to start a singing career. Her boyfriend of several months was charged with first-degree murder after she was shot and has entered a not-guilty plea. Tanniaah Spates, 43, had an order of protection after a domestic assault charge against the father of her children. But that didn't stop him from murdering her with a gun, then killing himself. (I think it is important to note that, at this point, this is a totally bias story so may not offer much knowledge for boys and men who are in an abusive relationship. Note in the next paragraph, 20% of the victims of domestic violence are male, not to mention how many suffer from emotional abuse from their partners - Editor) These deaths were just a few of the 365 domestic violence-related homicides in Iowa from 1995 to 2022 compiled by the Iowa Attorney General's Office's Domestic Violence Fatality Chronicle. Among those, 249 were women, 47 men, and 69 bystanders, which included children. Spouses, former spouses, dating partners, and cohabitors killed 249 Iowa women. One woman was killed by a hitman hired by her husband. A gun was used in 54% of the deaths (in Iowa). That’s just one state — but these Iowa deaths were a reflection of a national trend. Here is the stark truth: When men who have committed intimate-partner violence have access to a gun, it increases the risk of a woman being killed by more than 1?000%, according to 2020 meta-analysis of 17 studies. One thousand percent. The numbers tell a harrowing story:
And when you consider the connection between domestic violence and mass shootings (defined as four or more people killed by gunfire), it’s clear that the impact goes beyond the home, too. A 2021 study in the journal Injury Epidemiology found that in around 68% of mass shootings, the perpetrator either shot or killed at least one partner or family member. Or the perpetrator had a history of domestic violence, either against an intimate partner, family members, or someone they cohabitated or shared a child with. The recent, tragic Uvalde school shooting — which allegedly began when the shooter’s grandmother was shot in the face — led Congress to pass the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act in June. The first major federal gun safety law to pass Congress in over a quarter century, the Act — among various changes it made to federal firearm law — addressed what’s been called the Boyfriend Loophole: Previous to this law, boyfriends who had been convicted of misdemeanor domestic violence charges weren't prohibited from owning guns— only spouses were. Now the law would apply to boyfriends as well. The Act may help protect those at risk of intimate partner gun violence—but some advocates point out that it may not go far enough. The Boyfriend Loophole When Woodson Bradley was in her 20s, her boyfriend gradually became more controlling and physically violent. One night during a fight, he dragged her by the hair to the garage and handed her a gun, she says. He held another gun to her head and told her to shoot her beloved border collie, Amos. In her rural neighborhood, no one could hear her screams and pleading. Bradley considered her options — if she turned the gun on her boyfriend, she had no idea if the gun was loaded. He got closer to her, so loud and close that she could feel his spit and hot breath on her face, his rage ringing in her ears. "I begged God to forgive me," Bradley said. She pulled the trigger, shaking. Click. Empty. Her boyfriend slapped her face with a backhanded blow, punching and kicking her, calling her vile words for being willing to kill her dog, she says. "I ran away from him like an animal, grabbing everything I could," Bradley says. Later, she discovered the situation is a common abuser's technique — creating horrific conditions where no matter what you choose, it's the wrong choice. She fled the state. Organizations such as the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence (NCADV) had long asked that dating partners be included in the definition ?of a "misdemeanor crime of domestic violence" in the federal firearms code. But until the new Act was passed, that code didn't cover boyfriends or ex-boyfriends. If someone was convicted of this crime against a current or former spouse or cohabitant, or a person with whom they shared a child, the code prohibited them from owning a gun. But if the crime was against their girlfriend or former girlfriend? They could own a gun. And more than a half of women killed by partners were murdered by people they were simply dating — not married to — according to historical data. Now, the “boyfriend loophole” has been narrowed by the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act: Gun possession is prohibited for five years for current or recent dating partners who have been convicted of? a domestic violence misdemeanor. "There's finally an acknowledgment that people who don't have kids in common, aren't married or don't cohabitate are also at risk," says Gretta Gordy Gardner, general counsel at Ujima Inc: The National Center on Violence Against Women in the Black Community, who has spent two decades in the field, including as a prosecutor in the Domestic Violence Unit at the Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s Office. The gun legislation is promising and a great step forward for protecting victims of domestic violence, says Ruth Glenn, CEO and president of NCADV. She's worked in the domestic violence field for over 27 years and is a survivor of domestic violence. Yet some serious issues went unaddressed, one of which involves protective orders. The limits of protective order The federal firearms code also prohibits abusers from possessing firearms if they are subject to permanent ?(final) protective orders. However, one of these orders is issued only after a hearing at which the abuser has the opportunity to appear, make their case, and present evidence. (It’s easy to imagine why a victim of domestic violence wouldn’t want to put herself through that process.) And "permanent" restraining orders often expire within six months to two years, depending on the state, according to the NCADV. NCADV's wish list for the firearms code would include blocking abusers from possessing firearms if they’re under temporary domestic violence protective orders as well, not just permanent ones. In addition, they'd like to see dating partners added to the protective order prohibitor, which is currently only the case in some states. Another reason why this is important: More protective orders are issued annually than misdemeanor domestic violence convictions. Another change that the NCADV would like to see is for misdemeanor stalking to be added to the list of disqualifying crimes, because not only can that happen during abusive relationships — it can take place after a relationship ends: An abuser may take a break and then pick up stalking months or years later. "You have to consider the history of the relationship to understand. The stalking may not be continuous, and that's a tactic some abusers use," Gardner says. Some states, such as Oregon, have stalking protection orders prohibiting gun ownership, but there's no equivalent at the federal level. The organization also hopes to encourage states to adopt effective protocols for firearm surrender and removal in domestic violence cases; as it stands now, surrender protocols aren't consistent across states. Evidence by the Boston University School of Public Health shows that these protocols work: In states that require abusers who are subject to protective orders to surrender their firearms, there are lower rates of intimate-partner homicide. Intimidation by gun When Jeanne Muhammad tried to leave a boyfriend in her thirties, he held a gun to her head while her young children played in the other room. "The most dangerous time is when you try to leave someone," she says. Even when he wasn't handling the gun, he'd point his fingers at her and say bam bam. A gun in the home can produce this type of coercive effect. "An abuser could be sitting on the sofa with a gun next to him, and the message his partner’s getting is, she's not going anywhere, and he didn't have to utter a word," Gardner says. According to a study in the journal Trauma, Violence & Abuse, about 4.5 million U.S. women have had an intimate partner threaten them with a gun, and nearly 1 million have been shot or shot at by an intimate partner. Guns become leverage, a form of power, Woodson Bradley says: "It doesn't have to be flashed in your face or used to get you to concede." An abuser just needs to glance at it. Abusers may also threaten to kill themselves, the children, or parents, Glenn says: "Anything they can say to maintain and gain control, they'll do. The gun just makes threats more immediate." Learning self-defense Even as people who've escaped abuse move to different states, or await state or federal policy changes and other interventions, they must choose how to survive and thrive. In Atlanta, Marchelle Davis is a domestic abuse and sexual assault survivor who bought a gun for self-defense and now trains other women, many of them women of color, in firearms and self-defense. About half of her students are survivors of domestic or intimate partner violence, she says. Davis teaches a variety of self-defense techniques, including situational awareness, getting fit, and non-lethal or less-than-lethal forms of defense. She says that a person’s mind is her first and best weapon — a firearm is a last resort. Learning self-defense often brings about a transformation and empowerment among the women, Davis says. "I say that we're survivors, not victims, and we're here to take safety back. We're here, and so many sisters haven’t made it." Davis agrees that statistically, women with firearms are more likely to have the guns used against them. Training is critical, she says. "You must train with a firearm and be mentally, emotionally and spiritually prepared to use one. If you're not prepared to use one as legally intended, don't buy it. But a firearm is a last resort." In addition, advocates are concerned that when women defend themselves, they may be prosecuted as the offender; some violent perpetrators have convinced judicial systems that they're the victims. "It's often arrest first, ask questions later," says Gardner. States are offering varying solutions to this issue. In New York, for example, the Domestic Violence Survivors Justice Act allows alternative sentences for defendants who show they were domestic violence victims, and resentencing for those already sentenced. Although Muhammad purchased a gun for self-protection and was trained to use it, she now feels firearms can increase the danger in volatile situations. "Depending on that person's situation, owning a gun might be what they feel they have to do at that time — it's about survival. But when tempers are flaring and out of whack, the last thing you need, in my opinion, is a gun." Last year in Arizona, Vanessa Martinez was returning home with a cake for her youngest daughter's birthday party when her ex-boyfriend surprised her outside her home. She heard him say, "If I can't have you, no one can," and she heard a bang. A bullet entered the right side of her head, just below her temple and exited at the back of her head. Her ex-boyfriend pled guilty to various charges related to this incident and was sentenced to 15.5 years. Just a year after the shooting, during which she had brain surgery, her mental health is improving but she still struggles immensely from the single shot. Brain and nerve damage persist, along with vision and hearing impairment, and a balloon's pop still startles her. The shattered skull fragments affected her memory and hearing. Martinez briefly considered getting a firearm for her peace of mind, but decided against it. Woodson Bradley got a concealed
weapons permit and owns a gun. She supports measures like
Congress's Bipartisan Act, as well as universal
background checks and
restrictions on ownership of certain types of weapons or by
age. Says Bradley, "The Second Amendment mentions arming a
well-regulated militia — not a disgruntled boyfriend or
husband having a bad day." Women
or Men: Who usually instigated domestic
vioelnece? Furthermore, police and courts tend to disbelieve male victims, and men who call for help during domestic disputes are more likely to be the one arrested when the police arrive. So What’s the Truth Regarding Domestic Violence? According to the Center for Disease Control (CDC), almost 24% of all relationships experience some level of violence. 50% of domestic violence cases involve mutual violence. In the other 50% of domestic violence cases, the violence was non-mutual. In relationships where violence was non-mutual almost 70% of the violence was perpetrated by the woman. In other words, in almost 7 out of 10 cases of mutual violence, the batterer was a female. Furthermore, mutually violent relationships were most likely to result in injuries to women. However, women who participated in mutually violent behavior with their male partners were more likely to display a pattern of repeated violence than men. Men’s violence was more likely to be isolated and unlikely to be repeated. Do Men Initiate More Domestic Violence Than Women? A 2006 study of physical and psychological aggression between 453 cohabiting couples with young children indicated that there were instances of minor aggression initiated by men in 23.3% of the cases, while there were instances of minor aggression ignited by women in 33.8 % of the cases. Women also lead the men in cases of severe aggression with male-initiated aggression in 8.4% of the cases and female-initiated aggression in 11.5% of the cases. The study also revealed that the most often cited reason for male-initiated aggression was female physical aggression while for female-initiated aggression it was male verbal aggression. Is Female Domestic Violence Most Often In Self Defense? Studies show that in half of all reported domestic abuse cases it is impossible to determine who initiated the violence, and in the other half of reported domestic violence cases, males and females initiate physical aggression at an equal rate. This is true not only in the United States but also around the world. Data collected from 68 University studies from 38 different countries and involving more than 13,600 students found the following:
Studies of married couples show similar results with domestic violence being initiated as follows:
So, What Can We Conclude About Domestic Violence? From these findings, we can safely conclude the following:
Finally, women initiate domestic violence as often as men. Still, when the police arrive, it’s most often the man who is arrested, regardless of the circumstances. So, if you have been accused and arrested for domestic violence in California, contact an experienced California Domestic Violence Defense Lawyer to preserve your innocence. Categories Domestic
Violence Accusation Working
with Male Survivors of Sexual Violence | National Sexual
Violence Resource Center (NSVRC)
Lessons from the Sexual Assault Demonstration Initiative (SADI) on Male Survivors: Programs that participated in the Sexual Assault Demonstration Initiative (SADI) assessed how effective they were at serving various groups of survivors, including men and boys. When programs ranked groups in terms of how well staff thought they were serving them, men and boys regularly ranked at the bottom of all groups. The SADI helped programs learn that sexual assault specific services need to integrate trauma-informed and anti-oppression frameworks that address the unique and multi-faceted needs of many different survivors (including male survivors who had not been reached previously by their services) and to prioritize skills such as active listening, empathy, building rapport, empowerment, and collaboration. As you dive into exploring how to serve male survivors, your program must first:
Not sure where else to start? Elevate | Uplift is a project built on lessons learned from the SADI, offering survivor-serving programs the opportunity to dive deeper into exploring these lessons learned.
Learn more about Elevate | Uplift’s learning opportunities and how it can better assist you in your journey toward serving male survivors. Why Men? In this project, we’re focusing on improving services for male survivors of sexual violence, a complicated topic in the context of the women’s movement. Michelle Dixon-Wall laid out some thinking about how to contextualize the need to talk about men’s access to services at sexual assault centers in the article Let’s Unpack That: Men’s Access to Violence Against Women’s Services. Dixon-Wall argues that, while shining a spotlight on the needs of male survivors, we can keep a gendered framework of sexual violence but also make it more nuanced. Rigid gender expectations can hurt any of us in different ways – including men who learn to keep harm bottled up inside and not seek help. The lessons we’ve learned from the herstory of the anti-sexual assault movements can be applied with nuance to people of all genders impacted by sexual violence. The same limiting, rigid gender roles that normalize violence against women and non-binary people keep men from seeking services. We know that sexual violence impacts people of all genders and backgrounds. There are men who commit acts of sexual violence. Men can play an important role in interrupting sexual harassment and inappropriate behaviors. And in addition to these important truths, it is also vital that we recognize that men experience sexual violence and need healing. In this project, we bring a gendered analysis of the impact of sexual violence to the understanding that male survivors have not been served well. We invite you to recognize the complicated identity of “male survivor” which is impacted by various additional identities and experiences that male survivors hold. We are also anchored in the primacy of trauma-informed care – every survivor has experienced trauma and, as advocates, we need to know and understand that. How trauma manifests for survivors varies. What survivors are seeking is healing, and as a community-based organization, your job is to provide opportunities for survivors to heal. In 2018, NSVRC convened a roundtable to inform the development and direction of resource content on serving male survivors of sexual assault at rape crisis centers. The 18 participants in the roundtable included representation from sexual assault centers, sexual assault coalitions, national technical assistance providers, and survivors. The needs and priorities from this roundtable are reflected in the resources developed and shared in this project. NSVRC’s Resources on Working with Male Survivors Assessing Our Capacity for Serving Male Survivors of Sexual Violence - Assessment tool Sexual assault advocates and rape crisis centers can use this self-assessment tool to reflect on your current work serving men who have had unwanted sexual experiences. The tool offers reflection questions related to individual and organizational capacity to serve male survivors. Here’s how you can use our Working with Male Survivors resources for group learning - Curriculum A sample curriculum for using the resources from this project for individual and collective learning. How often are men sexually harassed or assaulted? - Infographic In this infographic, we provide statistics on the prevalence of sexual violence for men. Los hombres ¿con qué frecuencia son acosados o agredidos sexualmente? Infografía En esta infografía, proporcionamos estadísticas acerca de la prevalencia de la violencia sexual contra los hombres. How We Talk About Working with Male Survivors of Sexual Assault, Harassment, and Abuse - This resource suggests how you can communicate about sexual violence as something that men experience and about what services are available for survivors, including men. Lessons on Serving Male Survivors Through Sexual Assault Services Program - Print publication A resource containing lessons learned from sexual assault services programs with comparatively high percentages of male survivors served with that funding stream. An accompanying blog series highlights in more depth what programs told us about their work: see blog one, blog two, and blog three. Sexual Victimization of Men: What the Research Says - Annotated bibliography This annotated bibliography provides descriptions of recent research related to sexual victimization of men. It provides an overview of sexual assault, harassment, and abuse experienced by diverse populations of men in a variety of settings. Who are male survivors of sexual harassment and assault? - Infographic Men who survive sexual violence come from many different backgrounds and communities. In this infographic, we share statistics on the race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disabilities of men who have experienced sexual assault. Working with Male Survivors Podcast Series - Podcasts This series from our podcast Resource on the Go includes conversations from across the field on working with male survivors of sexual violence. Topics include understanding expressions of trauma in men, working with formerly incarcerated male survivors, services for transgender male survivors and transmasculine survivors, and much more. Organizations 1in6 1in6 helps men who have had unwanted or abusive sexual experiences live healthier, happier lives. Their mission also includes serving family members, friends, partners, and service providers by providing information and support resources on the web and in the community. Just Detention International (JDI) JDI is a health and human rights organization that seeks to end sexual abuse in all forms of detention. JDI holds government officials accountable for prisoner rape, challenges the attitudes and misperceptions that allow sexual abuse to flourish, and makes sure that survivors get the help they need. MaleSurvivor MaleSurvivor is committed to preventing, healing, and eliminating all forms of sexual victimization of boys and men through support, treatment, research, education, advocacy, and activism. They are dedicated to providing personalized support for men at every stage of the healing process. MenHealing MenHealing is dedicated to providing help for male survivors of sexual assault, sexual abuse, and sexual trauma during childhood or as adults. They conduct healing workshops for men, ages 18 and older, who have experienced sexual abuse or sexual assault as a child and/or as an adult, including through their Weekend of Recovery and Day of Recovery events. O’Brien Dennis Initiative The O’Brien Dennis Initiative empowers male victims of sexual violence to live productive and fulfilling lives in their communities. ODI educates the New York community about the effects of male sexual assault. Additional Resources 1in6’s Recommended Books and Films - Resource list This list includes books and films that 1in6 recommends to men with histories of unwanted or abusive sexual experiences and those who care about them. Topics include men’s stories and memoirs, depression, addiction, relationships and intimacy, and more. Abused and Betrayed Series - Videos This series by NPR’s highlights sexual assault survivors with intellectual disabilities, and features interviews with several male survivors. Boys and Men Healing - Film This 2010 documentary includes the stories from adult men who experienced sexual abuse as children. It addresses topics including the impact of abuse, questions about sexuality, struggles to find services, and more. Healing of Boys and Men of Color Training Curricula - Curriculum This curriculum supports victim service providers in understanding and implementing a holistic healing framework for boys and men of color. It includes three modules (Trauma 101, Historical Trauma, and Strengths-Based Policy Development) and a corresponding training materials. Holy Water-Gate - Film This 2004 documentary explores the child sexual abuse crisis in the Catholic Church. The film includes interviews with several adult male survivors of the abuse. Just Detention International’s Survivor Voices - Videos This page on Just Detention International’s website includes several videos of men talking about their experiences of sexual victimization while incarcerated. Additional videos are available on JDI’s YouTube channel, including Survivor Stories: Rodney and My Name is Joe. Male Survivors and Medical Accompaniment: Our Forgotten Victims - Webinar This webinar is part of a course in the Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape and National Sexual Violence Resource Center online learning campus. The webinar includes information for advocates on understanding and responding to needs male survivors may have related to forensic exams. Male Survivors of Sexual Assault - Brochure This brochure by Texas Association Against Sexual Assault includes information like: facts about men and rape, typical reactions during and after a sexual assault, and issues that may be specific to men. It is also available in Spanish. Male Survivors of Sexual Violence - Newsletter This Fall 2011 Connections newsletter from the Washington Coalition of Sexual Assault Programs includes articles on faith communities and male survivors, male survivors of sexual assault in prison, working with gay male survivors, sexual violence against men and boys in wore, and more. Male Survivors with Tammi Burke - Podcast This episode of PA Centered, the podcast by the Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape, is a 2020 interview with an advocate who has worked with male survivors of sexual violence for more than 30 years. It includes tips for advocates at sexual assault centers on improving service to male survivors. Men Who Have Been Sexually Assaulted - Information sheet This information sheet from Men Can Stop Rape offers answers to common questions about male survivors of sexual assault. ReShape Newsletter: Increasing Our Capacity to Serve Male Survivors - Newsletter This Winter 2014 newsletter from the Resource Sharing Project includes three articles about working with male survivors of sexual violence, and a list of additional resources. Sexual Victimization of Men with Disabilities and Deaf Men: A National Snapshot - Research brief This publication from Vera Institute of Justice offers an overview of research on sexual violence and men with disabilities and Deaf men, identifies barriers to service, and explores gaps in knowledge from victim service providers. Texas Men’s Story Project - Videos This video series was a collaboration between the Texas Association Against Sexual Assault (TAASA) and the Men’s Story Project. The stories were recorded during the live event “The Texas Men’s Story Project: Telling Our Truths” in September 2020, and several of the men identify as survivors of sexual violence. The Voiceless Documentary - Film This 2017 documentary by Vanessa McNeal includes stories from five male survivors of sexual violence. For more information please email
resources@nsvrc-respecttogether.org Suicide
and intimate partner violence - APA Suicide and intimate partner violence are both major public health crises, and they're closely linked, says Richard McKeon, PhD, chief of the suicide prevention branch at the U.S. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). Survivors of intimate partner violence are twice as likely to attempt suicide multiple times, he points out, and cases of murder-suicide are most likely to occur in the context of abuse. Yet despite the clear link, the mental health and intimate partner violence fields have historically worked in isolation. Now that's starting to change. Over the last two years, SAMHSA has been working to bring the two fields closer together. The psychologists and other experts involved in the effort have been reviewing the research, creating webinars and other educational resources and exploring additional ways to ensure that those working in suicide prevention don't miss signs of intimate partner violence and those working in intimate partner violence don't miss suicide warning signs. When each field isn't educated about the other, the results can be deadly, says McKeon. For example, people working in the intimate partner violence field may minimize suicide threats made by perpetrators of violence as simply attempts to manipulate partners. Such threats, however, indicate a genuine risk of harm to both perpetrators and their victims. Similarly, says McKeon, if someone comes to the emergency room because of a suicide attempt or because of intimate partner violence, "It's very important to inquire if intimate partner violence is taking place or if they're having suicidal thoughts." The SAMHSA group includes scholars, government representatives, advocates, leaders of community-based programs and others interested in the connections between suicide and intimate partner violence and ways to raise awareness in both fields. Several psychologists are among the group, including McKeon, APA President Nadine J. Kaslow, PhD, and National Suicide Prevention Lifeline Director John Draper, PhD. "This is work that's really just beginning, but we think we've brought the right people together to think it through and help work on educating both fields about what they need to know about the work going on in suicide prevention and intimate partner violence, respectively," says McKeon. With the group's help, SAMHSA has produced two webinars to increase awareness of the issues. The webinars are available at SAMHSA's Suicide Prevention Resource Center. The group also expects to release two tip sheets in the coming months, one aimed at suicide prevention and crisis hotline workers and the other for professionals focused on intimate partner violence. At a groundbreaking meeting of the two fields SAMHSA hosted in July, the group also identified several future priorities, including increasing collaboration between the Lifeline and the National Domestic Violence Hotline so that workers at each hotline are aware of both suicide and intimate partner violence-related resources. In addition, the group wants to find ways to intervene with children who have witnessed intimate partner violence. Even psychologists may overlook the interplay between suicide and intimate partner violence, says Kaslow, explaining that training programs often don't include information linking the two. "When people come in because of intimate partner violence, psychologists often pay more attention to the violence in their lives instead of how helpless and hopeless that violence makes them feel," says Kaslow, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Emory University Medical School. "They may feel the only way out is to kill themselves. Similarly, people will come in after a suicide attempt, but if you don't ask directly about violence, they often are too ashamed to talk about it or don't see the connection and don't volunteer information." Psychologists and other health professionals can avoid such problems by asking specifically about intimate partner violence and then addressing safety concerns, says Huaiyu Zhang, PhD, a former member of Kaslow's team at Emory who is helping to develop one of the tip sheets. If a client is experiencing intimate partner violence, she says, the first step should be to create strategies to keep the client safe and help him or her develop coping skills. Motivational interviewing can help clients understand why they're in abusive situations and help them make positive changes. Empathy is key, says Zhang, now an assistant professor of psychology in Indiana University's psychiatry department. "Our natural tendency is to want to help them get out of the intimate partner violence situation," she says. "However, these patients are stuck in these situations for a reason, so it's important to be empathic about those situations." And don't overlook men, adds Denise A. Hines, PhD, who spoke at an APA 2014 Annual Convention session co-chaired by Kaslow as another way to spread the word among psychologists. According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, one in 10 American men experience physical violence, rape or stalking by an intimate partner. "Partner violence against men by women
happens much more than most mental health professionals
realize, and the initial evidence also suggests that male
victims are also at risk for suicide," says Hines, an
associate research professor of psychology at Clark
University. Suicidality
and Domestic Violence: Six Things Domestic Violence
Providers Need to Know (1) Domestic Violence is not about mental illness, it is about control. Suicide goes hand in hand with discussions about mental illness, but it is critical to remember that mental illness does not cause domestic violence. Abuse is a choice made by the batterer. Many abusers will try to explain away their conduct by stating that the violence is a result of an undiagnosed mental illness or substance abuse, (i.e., “I was drunk” or “I was manic.”) Survivors may also buy into an abuser’s explanation and minimize violent conduct. However, a provider should remain cautious. Using mental illness as a rationalization for violence can appear as a mitigating factor during sentencing hearings or as a basis to remove a restraining order. A good rule of thumb is to remember that untreated mental illness will generally affect all aspects of a person’s life; including work, social connections, finances, and education. If the only symptom of an abuser’s “mental illness” is repeated violence toward an intimate partner, it is unlikely mental illness is the causative factor. Likewise, untreated substance abuse also tends to cause broad problems in a person’s life such as unemployment and disruption of family and social connections. Neither mental illness nor drugs selectively manifest in violence toward an intimate partner. (2) Abusers can use suicide threats to control victims. Threats such as, “If I kill myself, it will be your fault” or “You’re going to make me kill myself,” can be powerful mechanisms of control. The message from the abuser is; “You are responsible for my actions...and if you leave, my death.” Like any classical domestic violence situation where an abuser will set rules for a victim, suicidal threats terrify the victim and trap her in unwinnable situations. In addition, an abuser may point out that if a victim discloses these threats to authorities, her children may be taken away, or her partner imprisoned or forcibly sent to a hospital. Neither of these assertions are true in all situations. Further, if an abuser layers suicide threats with other controlling mechanisms such as financial control, disclosing undocumented status or physical isolation, the victim feels immense pressure to remain with her abuser. Providers should recognize that suicidality increases the risk for violence in nearly all cases of domestic violence. (3) Suicidality by the abuser does not mean that violence is off the table. It is important to remember that the use of suicide threats to control victims does not mean the abuser is unwilling to use violence against himself, the victim, or the family. Quite the opposite, suicidal threats in domestic violence relationships can be a red flag that catastrophic violence is on the horizon. Familicide, where an abuser kills himself and the family, is mercifully rare, but is correlated with both firearms and past domestic violence.1 It would be incorrect for a provider to assume that simply because a suicide threat comes from an abuser, that the threat itself is not credible. A better analysis would be to consider the suicide threat in the context of the domestic violence itself, and with the assistance of a trained victim advocate or clinician. Where, when and how did the suicide threat arise? Has the abuser told anyone else about his suicidality? Does it only occur when the abuser wishes to control the victim? In short, it would be incorrect to treat the suicide threat from an abuser as mere puffery or simple emotional abuse. (4) Victims and children are also at risk for suicide. Domestic violence dramatically increases suicidal risk in intimate partners2 and the children of domestic violence victims. The World Health Organization found that one of the most “consistent risk factors for suicide attempts [for women] after adjusting for probable common mental health disorders” was intimate partner violence.3 At least one study has shown that “36% of female survivors have considered suicide and 23% of domestic violence survivors” have attempted suicide.4 All domestic violence providers should remember that victim-sensitive referrals to counseling and therapy could help mitigate trauma. Trauma includes exposure to violence as well as system-involvement, child-removal and the simple fact of being in a position of legal powerlessness. In addition, an abuser’s disclosure of suicidal threats by the victim, while often intended as a controlling or shaming mechanism, may necessitate referrals to services. However, when referring survivors to counseling or mental health services, it is important to avoid shaming the victim. In general, it is not appropriate to coerce or ‘force’ a victim into therapy or counseling, and it is never appropriate to recommend couples counseling in a domestic violence case. (5) Stigma affects everything. Stigma is a catchall term that describes the negative effects of society’s bias and prejudice about suicide and mental illness. Like the shame felt by many victims of domestic violence, stigma is important for providers to understand because it shapes victim behavior. Stigma about suicide is also interwoven with a victim’s general confusion about the court system. In many circumstances victims may believe that if they reveal any information about suicidal ideation (whether their own or their abuser’s) it could be harmful to their case. Victims may tend to overemphasize the mandated reporter duty of court professionals and believe that if they discuss suicide, their children may be automatically removed or that the court will be less inclined to grant them protection against an abuser. Abuser’s may disclose or overemphasize a victim’s suicidal statements to gain advantage in a custody case or worse, to wage a war of emotional attrition against victims with mental health needs. Therefore, it is important for providers to keep a nuanced perspective when analyzing evidence of suicidality. (6) Tools aren’t the answer, use context, clinical judgment and training. There are many screening tools and questionnaires associated with domestic violence risk. However, no tool can perfectly grasp the risk of suicide or familicide in domestic violence cases. Nor is there any mental health tool, which can accurately assess whether domestic violence has happened or is happening. This is ultimately because domestic violence is not a mental health problem, and suicide is only one dimension of domestic violence. What is very important for providers to remember is that viewing a victim’s reaction to domestic violence as solely a mental health or substance abuse problem is incorrect, and is sometimes referred to as pathologizing For more information, please contact the Resource Center on Domestic Violence, Child Protection and Custody (RCDV:CPC), the Suicide Prevention Resource Center, or the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence, Trauma and Mental Health.6 Download Blog as PDF Resources 1 Bernie Auchter, National Institute of Justice (NIJ), Men Who Murder Their Families: What the Research Tells Us, available at, https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/230412.pdf. 2 Center for Disease Control (CDC), Costs of Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in the United States (2003). 3 K. Devries et.al., Violence against women is strongly associated with suicide attempts: evidence from the WHO multi-country study on women's health and domestic violence against women, 73 Soc. Sci. Med 79-86 (Jul. 2011). 4 Nadine Kaslow, Marylouise Kelley and Carole Warshaw, Suicide Prevention Resource Center, Research Highlights Series: Intimate Partner Violence And Suicide Webinar (Sept. 27, 2013). 5 Denice Wolf Markham, Mental Illness and Domestic Violence: Implications for Family Law Litigation, J. of Poverty Law and Policy (2003) 6 Suicide training is available through courses such as SafeTalk, Mental Health First Aid, and ASIST. Webinar: Trauma-informed Approaches to
Domestic Violence Exposure, Adverse Childhood Experiences
and Resiliency: Opportunities for Early Child Care
Providers New
study explores intimate partner violence as precursor to
suicide - 041122 Most available research on intimate partner violence (IPV) and suicide focuses on homicide-suicides, which is when an individual kills another person before taking their own life. This study has broadened understanding by including information about the role of IPV in single suicides, which is when a suicide is not connected to other violent deaths. Single suicides are the most common type of fatal violence in the United States. The study, published in Social Science and Medicine – Population Health, was led by Julie Kafka, doctoral student in the Department of Health Behavior and fellow at IPRC, along with health behavior researchers Beth Moracco, PhD, associate professor and director of IPRC, Caroline Taheri, Master of Public Health student, and Belinda-Rose Young, doctoral student and associate director of research and translation and IVP fellow at IPRC. The study team examined 2010-2017 data from the North Carolina Violent Death Reporting System (NC-VDRS). NC-VDRS includes text narratives about the circumstances known about each violent death that occurs in the state, such as mental health challenges or past suicide attempts, using information compiled from the coroner or medical examiner, law enforcement and death certificate records. The study authors coded and qualitatively reviewed a sample of death narratives for single suicides to explore how often IPV was mentioned as a key circumstance leading up to the death. Findings suggest that IPV may be a precipitating factor for 6.1% of all suicides in N.C. (including both homicide-suicides and single suicides). If this finding is generalized nationally, it would suggest that there may be over 2,900 IPV-related suicides per year in the U.S., a number comparable to the total number of intimate partner homicides per year in the U.S. When exploring IPV-related single suicide specifically, study authors found that the majority (81%) occurred among males, and most (73%) of these men had recently perpetrated non-fatal IPV. For IPV-related single suicides, physical violence was the most common type of IPV recorded in the death narratives, followed by emotional abuse. This study highlights some important opportunities for integrated IPV and suicide prevention. The lead author, Kafka, explained that “in practice, we often ignore the potential for a suicidal IPV perpetrator to authentically be suicidal. We simply assume that any reported IPV perpetrator suicide threats signal that they are homicidal (i.e., likely to commit homicide-suicide). We need to keep asking about IPV perpetrator suicide threats to inform victim safety planning. But we also have the opportunity to refer IPV perpetrators to mental health treatment or supports to address suicidality, which is simply not happening right now.” Additionally, more trauma-informed approaches to batterer’s intervention programs that incorporate suicide prevention elements could help strengthen effectiveness of these programs while providing much needed suicide prevention services. “We were really surprised to see how many suicides were connected to IPV. Our study was pretty conservative in our approach, so the total contribution of IPV to suicide is probably much higher,” Kafka said. She also pointed to some additional key takeaways from this study: “It’s interesting because previous IPV research has focused only on suicidal thoughts and behaviors among female IPV victims, or on homicide-suicide. Our study shows that a large group is being left out of the conversation; many male IPV perpetrators die by suicide (without committing homicide). Shifting our focus to consider this overlooked group could help us find new ways to effectively prevent both interpersonal and self-directed violence, which is really exciting.” Read the full study online. Men,
suicide, and family and interpersonal violence: A mixed
methods exploratory study - Australia Research has shown a link between gender, violence, and suicide. This relationship is complex, and few empirical studies have explored suicide and family and interpersonal violence perpetrated by men. Drawing on a coronial dataset of suicide cases and a mixed methods design, this study integrated a quantitative analysis of 155 suicide cases with a qualitative analysis of medico-legal reports from 32 cases. Findings showed different types and patterns of family and intimate partner violence for men who died by suicide. Men used violence in response to conflict, but also to dominate women. Cumulative, interwoven effects of violence, mental illness, alcohol and other drug use, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances were observed in our study population. However, the use of violence and suicidal behaviour was also a deliberate and calculated response by which some men sought to maintain influence or control over women. Health and criminal justice interventions served as short-term responses to violence, mental illness, and suicidal behaviour, but were of limited assistance. Introduction The association between gender and suicide is evidenced by long-standing patterns that show men to have consistently higher rates of suicide than women in most Western countries (Cleary, 2019; Jordan & Chandler, 2019). The idea that men are especially vulnerable to suicide, however, should be understood in the context of operationalised definitions of suicidal behaviour that distinguish completed suicide from deliberate self-harm and attempted suicide—both of which are higher in women (Jordan & Chandler, 2019; Scourfield, 2005). Such claims also reflect relatively narrow, binary views of sex and gender (Cleary, 2019). A major criticism of the existing research on men and suicide is that scant attention is paid to issues of diversity and difference, with men viewed as a relatively homogenous category (Scourfield, 2005). Even within the masculinities literature, there is a tendency to conceptualise masculinity as a type, defined by traits such as stoicism, poor help-seeking, emotional inexpressiveness, and inadequate coping skills (Alston, 2012; Rasmussen et al., 2018). Moreover, the view that gender exerts the most powerful influence on attitudes and behaviour overlooks the role of other important factors such as age, class, or ethnicity (Morgan, 2006). Causal reasoning in suicide research, coupled with the influence of survivor-guided advocacy on priority setting in suicide prevention, mean that men are almost exclusively regarded as victims of biological, psychological, and/or socioeconomic forces (Scourfield, 2005). Largely absent from these debates are the significant number of men who kill themselves in the context of longstanding, cumulative problems involving persistent alcohol and other drug (AOD) use, relationship conflict, and interpersonal violence. Often eliciting unsympathetic responses from families and services, their exclusion from the policy arena has led to the diminishing of important ethical and political questions of responsibility, choice, and agency in understanding men's suicide (Caine, 2013). It also reveals the plurality of suicidal men's emotional practices and the ways some men mobilise emotions of distress and anger in acts of violence and suicide (Chandler, 2019; River & Flood, 2021). Research has shown that violent behaviour is an important risk factor for suicide regardless of psychiatric disorder or AOD use (O’Donnell et al., 2015; Stenbacka et al., 2012). The relationship between suicide, family, and intimate partner violence, however, is under-researched. A recent US study identified intimate partner violence in 43% of all suicide cases where circumstances relating to intimate partner problems were known (Brown & Seals, 2019), while a UK study of 100 suicide cases found almost one quarter displayed some aspects of domestic abuse (Scourfield et al., 2012). Study Aims and Methods To address this research gap, this study aimed to explore the situational contexts of suicide and family and interpersonal violence perpetrated by men in rural Australia. This research uses a subset of data from a larger study of 3163 suicide cases in rural Australia investigating the multifactorial determinants of suicide (Fitzpatrick et al., 2021). Ethical approval for this study was granted by the Justice Human Research Ethics Committee of the Victorian Department of Justice and Community Safety and the University of Newcastle Human Research Ethics Committee. Study design Concerns over whether coronial data correspond with factual knowledge of individual suicides, or whether the need to establish intent leads to filtered accounts based on common sense assumptions about reasonable cause has prompted critical reflection on the contexts in which people engage in practical reasoning about suicide and the authority of descriptions (Atkinson, 1978; Fincham et al., 2011). For Fincham et al. (2011), the multiple, partial, and fragmentary accounts of suicidal individuals, family, friends, and, ultimately, police and coroners, mitigate against the possibility of a singular and coherent explanation of a suicidal event. This subjective dimension of inquest evidence does not diminish its validity; nor rule out the possibility that reasonably objective judgements about suicide can be reached. Rather, it requires researchers take seriously the way evidence is constructed, as well as the substance of the evidence in relation to the circumstances, beliefs, and actions of suicidal individuals. In seeking to explore the situational contexts of suicide and family and interpersonal violence, while also attending to the ways knowledge about suicide is produced, our study is influenced by the qualitatively driven, mixed methods sociological approach developed by Fincham et al. (2011). Suicide data from the National Coronial Information System This study is based on data on suicide deaths investigated by Australian coroners and transferred to the National Coronial Information System (NCIS) for storage and analyses. Deaths recorded in the NCIS with the International Classification of Diseases—Tenth Revision (ICD-10) code for intentional self-harm were interpreted as suicide (World Health Organization, 2016). NCIS data include case records that comprise basic demographic information (sex, birth year, postcode of usual residence, marital status, employment status, and occupation) and cause of death details (time, location, postcode of incident and death, and mechanism/object/substance causing injury). The NCIS also holds supplementary non-coded data in the form of medico-legal reports (coroner's findings, autopsy, toxicology, and police reports) from the coronial investigation. Information in these reports is collected from health and police records, as well as from evidence provided by treating health or other professionals, family, and friends, including any suicide notes left by the deceased. Reports are text-only and attached to individual cases as a searchable PDF. Police reports and coroner's findings are in narrative form, while autopsy and toxicology reports follow a prescribed format in reporting results of tests performed. Institutional practices and legislative differences mean that the level of detail contained in these reports varies between and within each jurisdiction. While all cases have demographic data, not all have medico-legal reports as there are instances where certain procedures are not performed. We acknowledge the situated nature in which people engage in practical reasoning about suicide (Atkinson, 1978; Mallon et al., 2016). In reconstructing the events that lead to suicide, police and coroners are concerned with establishing that the death is intentional and self-inflicted, and, as such, certain categories of evidence are required to build a tenable explanation (Atkinson, 1978). This information is not predetermined but requires coroners and police to examine records and ask questions of medical professionals, next-of-kin, and available witnesses (Timmermans, 2005). Different modes of collecting, relating, and ordering this material meant that the type and amount of information included in medico-legal reports in this study varied considerably. Descriptions of very different kinds coexisted, with some police and coroners disposed towards compiling narratives of key life events and issues that appeared to have a profound impact on men. These stood in tension with reports that were limited to a description of the death scene and events immediately preceding the death. In the latter, reports focussed predominantly on well-known risk factors such as mental illness and relationship breakdown; a limitation noted by other researchers working with coronial data (Mallon et al., 2016). Data collection Data from 3163 closed cases of suicide of persons residing in rural Australia were extracted from the NCIS for the years 2010–2015. In recognition of the diversity of areas traditionally classified as ‘rural’, we collected data from four Australian states (New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia and Tasmania). Data were categorised by residential postcode using Australian Statistical Geography Standard Remoteness Area Codes. This divides rural Australia into four classes of remoteness according to population and distance to services: (1) Inner Regional Australia, (2) Outer Regional Australia, (3) Remote Australia, and (4) Very Remote Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018). Indicators of family and intimate partner violence, together with other health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances were obtained from quantitative coding of qualitative data in medico-legal reports and based on ICD-10 Codes with some modifications made to streamline data management (World Health Organization, 2016). Additional codes were developed with specific relevance to family and interpersonal violence such as contact with police and the issuing and violation of Domestic Violence Orders (DVO). For this study, we defined family and intimate partner violence as ‘acts of violence between family members as well as people who are in, or have been involved in, an intimate relationship. The violence may involve physical, sexual, financial, emotional or psychological abuse and include a range of controlling behaviours’ (Australian Medical Association, 2016, p. 1). Toxicology data were obtained from toxicology reports. Alcohol consumption before suicide was assumed if blood alcohol concentrations were =0.05 g/100 ml. This cut-off was selected because it is commonly used in the literature on alcohol use and suicide due to the adverse effects of alcohol on judgement, cognition, mood, and behaviour at and above this level (Chong et al., 2020). In total, 155 suicide cases with family and intimate partner violence were identified. Each had basic demographic data, although data on marital and employment status were missing in 7%–14% of cases (Table 1). Most, but not all cases had medico-legal reports, and their quality varied with data on mental health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances incomplete or missing in some cases. It is not possible to tell whether information not recorded in medico-legal reports indicated an absence of enquiry by police and/or coroners or an unrecorded null finding. Human research ethics restrictions on the collection of data from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples did not permit the inclusion of indigeneity in data analysis. In Australia, additional ethical requirements are needed to ensure the values and interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are supported, including Indigenous collaborators who were not available for this project. TABLE 1. Demographic characteristics of men who died by suicide and perpetrated family and/or interpersonal violence 2010–2015 (n = 155)
A small sample of cases were selected for the qualitative analysis (n = 32). The sample included a case from each age cohort as well as from each of the four remoteness categories to satisfy a maximum variation strategy but based on quality of information provided in medico-legal reports. Quality was assessed as the completeness and comprehensiveness of the available data. The demographic characteristics of the qualitative sample are shown in Table 1. Quantitative data analysis Three researchers coded the available medico-legal reports for the entire study sample to develop a dataset of health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial variables combined with demographic data. For the 155 suicide cases with family and intimate partner violence reported in this study, factors including mental health status, use of health services, toxicology, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances are reported as proportions. Analysis was performed using IBM SPSS Statistics 25. Due to high proportions of missing data in several key variables for the 155 cases (diagnosed mental illness, previous suicide attempt, expression of intent to self-harm, and contact with health services), a multiple imputation analysis was conducted in the larger study sample of 3163 cases (Fitzpatrick et al., 2021). A fully conditional speculation model was used, with 10 iterations to replace missing data for each of these variables. Each variable was imputed using age, sex, state, and marital status. Data for these variables are reported as both a complete case analysis and an imputed analysis (Sterne et al., 2009). Qualitative data analysis Analysis of medico-legal reports was conducted for the 32 cases selected for qualitative analysis using the Framework Method. This flexible analytic approach ensures interpretation remains grounded in the data while enabling synthesis of recurring patterns to build on existing theoretical understandings (Ritchie et al., 2005). Data coding, analysis, and interpretation involved a recursive and reflexive process that was systematic and analytic, yet oriented towards constant discovery and comparison of situations, settings, relationships, and meanings (Altheide et al., 2008). First, an inductive approach was applied whereby coding focussed on identifying recurring themes. This led to the construction of a coding scheme of descriptive categories for labelling and grouping the data that was applied to the 32 cases (Ritchie et al., 2005). Although analysis was inductive, reflecting evidence from medico-legal reports, our attention was also drawn to findings emerging from the statistical analysis, such as contact with police and expression of intent to self-harm. We then moved to more collective descriptive and explanatory analyses, introducing theoretical concepts and frameworks to generate explanations of family and intimate partner violence and suicide (Lewis & Ritchie, 2003). To ensure compliance with NCIS data reporting conditions, specific ages have been removed, pseudonyms allocated, and details from reports summarised rather than quoted directly to limit potential identification. Findings Demographic characteristics Table 1 describes the demographics for the whole cohort. Men who perpetrated family and interpersonal violence and who died by suicide were more likely to be younger at time of death than all male suicides in the general rural population. In our sample, more than half (54%) of suicide deaths were between the ages of 25–44, whereas in the general rural population this age group represented 35% of all male suicide deaths (Fitzpatrick et al., 2021). Additionally, only 7% of all suicide deaths in men who perpetrated family and interpersonal violence occurred in men aged 65 years and over compared to 19% of the general rural male suicide population (Fitzpatrick et al., 2021). Regarding marital status, 41% of men were married or in a cohabiting relationship, 33% were separated, and 17% were never married. Just under one-half of all men (48%) were employed and 29% unemployed. The multidimensional nature of family and interpersonal violence in the context of suicide Table 2 shows the different patterns of violence that were evident prior to suicide in various types of intimate relationships. The majority of cases involved violence against female partners or ex-partners (84%). The remaining 16% of cases involved violence against other family members, most notably physical and emotional violence from sons towards parents and siblings, and sexual and physical violence from fathers towards female (step-) children. Approximately two-thirds of male offenders (68%) were not cohabiting with their female victims. DVOs were in place in 48% of cases with violations of DVOs having occurred in 32% of these cases. TABLE 2. Patterns of violence across different types of intimate relationships (n = 155)
Recognition of different types and patterns of family and intimate partner violence was also evident in our qualitative sample. For example, younger men directed their violence exclusively towards parents and siblings. These cases appeared rooted in familial conflict and marked by frequent bouts of verbal aggression and threats of harm. In his late teens, Adam experienced problems adapting to changing family and household dynamics following his parents' separation and relocation to a new town which led to ongoing conflict with his mother and increased drug use. Over a period of 18 months, he experienced a series of persistent struggles with police, school, juvenile justice, and mental health services as he sought to reduce his drug intake and transition into independent living without adequate financial, housing, or support systems in place. These struggles, and the resultant despondency, apathy, isolation, and anxiety that accompanied his attempts to change his life, were punctuated by intermittent explosions of anger and aggression. In cases involving men's violence against female partners, it was not easy to detach family conflict from what the literature has described as intimate or patriarchal terrorism (Johnson, 1995; Little, 2016). In his thirties, Stephen's divorce left him unable to negotiate access to his children and in significant debt. Distressed and frustrated, reports described a series of unfolding and layered events: an abandoned suicide attempt, a court hearing, the accrual of personal debts, a physical dispute with his ex-wife's new partner, the issuing of a DVO, and, finally, his suicide. In a majority of cases, physical violence was reported less than other forms of emotional and psychological controlling behaviour such as damaging property, brandishing weapons, and threatening force or self-harm. As well as the harms it caused to women, this violence was often associated with a range of negative outcomes for men, including incidences of depression, stress, and anxiety. In the case of Robert, family and friends reported a marked deterioration in mental health and marital relations in the weeks before his suicide following an incident where he threatened his partner with a weapon. Feelings of shame may have contributed to Robert's sense of isolation or separateness from his partner and escalated feelings of distress and suicidality (Chandler, 2021; Oliffe et al., 2016). Violence and suicide as situated conduct Violence is often viewed as a function of psychopathology (Pain, 2015), and research has shown an association between heavy episodic drinking, drug use, and intimate partner violence (Gilchrist et al., 2015; Hearn et al., 2013). Given the focus of medico-legal reports on men's emotional state, a diagnosed mental illness was reported in 39% of cases (n = 60) with mood disorders the most common diagnosis (82%, Table 3). It is likely that mental illness diagnoses were under-reported since more than half the relevant reports were missing data in this category. When missing data were imputed, this number increased, with 79% of cases estimated as having a diagnosis. A diagnosed substance use disorder was reported in only 7% of all cases. However, problems related to AOD dependency were reported in 30% of all cases (Table 3). Furthermore, toxicology reports showed that approximately 60% of cases had a blood alcohol reading of =0.05 g/100 ml or evidence of drug use (Table 3). TABLE 3. Suicidal behaviour, mental health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances (n = 155)
The relationship between mental illness, AOD use, violence, and suicide is complex (O’Donnell et al., 2015; Varshney et al., 2016). Cross-tabulation of diagnosed mental illness with socioeconomic and psychosocial circumstances showed that while 23% of cases had a single reported circumstance, the majority of cases (73%) reported two or more circumstances (Table 4). Criminal justice issues were the most commonly reported circumstance (65%), in combination with mental health problems (27%), family disruption following divorce or separation (25%) or employment/unemployment issues (25%; Table 4). Viewing men's violence as situated conduct grounded in a complex interplay of factors shifts focus from individual internal processes to the cumulative, interwoven effects of mental illness and AOD use on men's violence, the social contexts in which it occurred, its gendered nature, and the intended outcomes of offender's actions (Cannon et al., 2015). TABLE 4. Cross-tabulation of mental health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances (n = 155)
Some caution, therefore, is needed not to confuse men's individual and social circumstances with their decision to use violence, or to minimise men's responsibility for their actions (Pease, 2012). While cases revealed the fragility of masculine identity in the face of potential threats, the use of violence and suicide by men in the study was almost always a deliberate and calculated response to those threats. Take, for example, the case of Greg. Some years off retirement, Greg had difficulty getting work due to a chronic health condition and ageist practices in the labour market. Growing financial and housing insecurity further fuelled his disaffection and coupled with marital problems, led to two incidents of violence towards his wife. These culminated in police involvement and the eventual breakdown of his marriage a few days before his suicide. His last contact with his wife was an accusatory telephone call. This web of interdependent health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances created a complex emotional environment in which men appeared to express a number of contradictory feelings: dependence, intimacy, fear of abandonment, love, disappointment, and the need to control a relationship they felt they were losing (Borochowitz & Eisikovits, 2002). In the case of Trent, intimacy occurred ‘within, and even as, violence’ (Hearn, 2012, p. 155). In response to their marriage troubles and pending separation, Trent and his partner had sought relationship counselling. Believing herself to be subject to ongoing coercion and manipulation, Trent's partner decided to stop attending the counselling sessions. On hearing this, Trent threatened to stop paying child support. This ‘paradoxical convergence of violence and “intimacy”’ (Hearn, 2012, p. 155) was perhaps most evident in the case of Mark, whose romantic love and idealisation of his partner existed almost simultaneously with feelings of jealousy, possessiveness, anger, hatred, and an unrelenting insistence on obedience and respect (Borochowitz & Eisikovits, 2002; Dekeseredy et al., 2007). Catalysed by methamphetamine use, Mark's violence towards his partner was confrontational, unrestrained, severe, and followed immediately by feelings of regret, blame, and self-justification. A quarter of cases had made a previous suicide attempt and 41% had a prior expression of suicidal intent (Table 3). When missing data was imputed these rates become closer to 75% and 73% respectively. Qualitative data showed that threats of self-harm were a common tactic of coercive control used by men to instil fear and exert power, predominantly in the context of divorce and custody battles. In the case of Ian, reports described a long history of controlling and abusive behaviour towards his wife and two separate threats of suicide. First, after the relationship deteriorated following his wife's return after a brief separation; and second, after she told him she intended separating from him permanently. Ben, a known drug-user who had been suffering from drug-induced psychosis threatened self-harm if his partner ended their relationship. These threats were followed by a series of taunting text messages in which he demanded she come back to him or else he would kill himself. Threats of self-harm were also brutal acts aimed to cause emotional and psychological distress. Jeff threatened to kill himself in front of his partner following an argument until police arrived and intervened. Non-verbal threats were also present with three cases involving men fashioning nooses which they showed to their partners or left lying around the house. In several cases, suicide threats were so commonplace that partners no longer treated them as serious. The qualitative data also showed that, in some cases, suicide was intended as a form of punishment for women; a decisive violent act that was both psychosocial in means and effects (Hacking, 2008; Scourfield, 2005; Scourfield et al., 2012). In response to Ben's text messages, his partner called back immediately, and, when there was no answer, drove to his house only to find he had already killed himself. In two other cases, damaged personal items and spiteful messages were left at the scene. In these cases, the act of suicide was directed towards specific ends, whether to punish, exact revenge, or lay blame and guilt upon partners who men believed had hurt or deserted them. In these cases, violence and suicide revealed the dynamics of men's power, but also their powerlessness. Health and criminal justice interventions Health service data were available for 47% of cases (Table 5). In the 6 weeks before suicide, 24% (n = 37) of all cases had visited a health service at least once (Table 5). A further 16% (n = 24) had visited a health service in the weeks and months before suicide, but no dates were recorded; hence it is possible that rates of service visits in the 6 weeks before suicide were under-reported. The imputed data support these findings, estimating that 53% of men visited a health service at least once in the 6 weeks before suicide. Of all health service visits, 41% were to mental health or AOD services, 27% were to an emergency department, and 20% to a primary care provider (Table 4). In the 6 weeks before suicide, almost half (n = 74) of men had been in contact with police (Table 5). TABLE 5. Contact with health services and/or police in the six weeks before suicide n = 155
Coroner's findings and police reports showed that in health settings, violence (including the threat of suicide) was primarily attributed by health professionals to a transient situational or emotional crisis in which mental illness and/or AOD use were important contributory factors. Consequently, treatment focussed on management of these crises, primarily using medication, with a tendency to downplay violent behaviour (Domestic Violence Prevention Council, 2016). There was little evidence for the effectiveness of health service interventions, with coroner's findings identifying several problems in risk assessment, patient discharge, follow-up, and support. In the case of Trent, specific details and arrangements for ongoing care were not confirmed, and there was no communication between tertiary and primary care services upon discharge. The lack of a structured referral process meant that Trent could not access social support for identified financial and relationship stressors. For Anton, who was experiencing several adverse psychosocial factors in combination with comorbid mental health and substance use issues, hospitalisation provided a level of respite from reported panic attacks, insomnia, substance use, psychotic symptoms, and thoughts of self-harm. However, hospitalisation was also reported as counter-therapeutic as it provided a short-term solution and resulted in a negative experience of care. Upon discharge, Anton stated a preference for a long-term outpatient programme that would address his drug use and underlying psychosocial issues; something that his treating psychiatrist reported could be achieved better in the private sector. With service interactions providing important opportunities for intervening to prevent further violence, including suicide, Anton's case revealed important shortcomings in public mental health service's capacity to manage the hospital to community care transition, as well as ongoing issues integrating mental health, AOD, and social services, including offender programs or interventions. The complex gatekeeping role played by police in managing incidents of violence and self-harm was evident in the policing of men in crisis. As primary responders to family and intimate partner violence and mental health crises, police make important decisions about whether the criminal justice or mental health systems are the most appropriate pathway (Morgan, 2021). In cases where physical violence, property damage, or another criminal offence occurred, including violation of a DVO, men were charged with a criminal offence. However, in cases involving previous or current expressions of suicidal behaviour, police invariably chose a health system pathway despite some men displaying anger, agitation, unpredictability, and aggression. Bryce, for example, came to the attention of police in the weeks before his suicide when he refused their assistance following a welfare check made after he had threatened suicide. One week later, police visited Bryce's home following further concerns for his welfare. In this instance, he locked himself inside the house, damaged property, and made threats of violence towards police, including threatening to provoke the police to use lethal force if they did not leave. During this time, he also sent harassing text messages to his ex-partner. Eventually, police were able to negotiate with him to attend hospital for an Emergency Examination Order (EEO) where he was admitted as an inpatient. His ex-partner subsequently applied for a DVO. He was discharged several days later with appropriate medication and follow-up procedures, but when police were called due to renewed concerns about his welfare, he was found dead. Coroner's findings and police reports showed that the issuing of DVOs by police caused considerable distress to some men. For Tony, who had actively participated in counselling sessions following his recent separation in a bid to save his marriage, surprise and shock were reportedly most pronounced. Similarly, for Christopher, the issuing of a DVO appeared to be the latest in a series of events that marked the slow and painful unravelling of his marriage and family, with the court order prohibiting him from having any further contact with his former partner and children. Despite police involvement, it appeared that none of the men in the qualitative sample received specific treatment or programs to address their violent behaviour. Discussion Various forms and patterns of family and intimate partner violence were found in the study. This included physical, sexual, psychological, threatening, coercive, and economically abusive behaviour. In most cases, violence was part of a longer-term pattern rather than a one-off event (State of Victoria, 2016), although this pattern did not always involve an escalation of violence. Assumptions about the inevitability of escalation in cases of intimate partner violence may obscure the complexity of the problem (Corvo & Johnson, 2003). In particular, the way that escalation may manifest itself as self-destructive violence rather than as direct violence against others. Findings from the study help to contextualise the relationship between mood symptomatology, socioeconomic and psychosocial circumstances, interpersonal factors, violence and suicide. This provides a more sophisticated picture of the high prevalence of mental illness diagnoses reported in the study that might otherwise be lost when mental illness is understood in isolation from its social contexts (Mallon et al., 2016). Unemployment and divorce can threaten men's roles and social identities and lead to symptoms of depression (Oliffe et al., 2012). It also suggests that short term mental health and criminal justice interventions may be insufficient to effect substantive behavioural and personal change in men. Notwithstanding the fact that the symptomatology of mental illness and/or AOD use may contribute to conflictive or distressing situations, there is a clear need for interventions that address employment security in rural areas, and that provide access to well-resourced, targeted, integrated health and community services and perpetrator programs (Chandler, 2021; Domestic Violence Prevention Council, 2016). The use of violence and suicide by men in the study largely took place in the context of breakdowns in heterosexual relations. Heteronormative ideals around marriage, family, authority, and the appropriation of women's bodies were implicit in the experiences, expectations, emotions, and actions of men who suddenly found intimate partners out of reach (Chandler, 2019; Yep, 2003). Men's actions appeared to be predicated on the anticipation that the systematic use of violence, threats, economic subordination, or other tactics would exert psychological control over intimate partners and lead to changes in their behaviour (Coates & Wade, 2004; Pain, 2014). When those changes did not occur, suicide became a final act aimed at inflicting guilt and retribution on (ex)partners. In contrast, in a small number of cases where violence was perpetrated against other family members such as parents or siblings, or where men were already separated/divorced, problems related to unemployment, housing, financial issues, and legal circumstances appeared as more important precipitants of suicide. In these cases, men's experiences of power and powerlessness were evident as access to men's traditional privileges seemingly offered few rewards, and men descended into a cycle of indifference, despair, violence, and death (Hall, 2002). Men's suicidal actions and their accompanying discourses are staging points for asserting or challenging gender, class, identity, and power concerns (Widger, 2012). This helps us to contextualise men's suicide within interpersonal, structural and social relations, but also to consider certain claims and counterclaims about suicide as a socially meaningful act. The idea of a dominant (white) masculinity as being in crisis, with suicide a hypothesised symptom, has been criticised for overlooking the fact that macro-level social and economic changes impact women as well as men, and people of colour more than whites (Morgan, 2006; Robinson, 2000). This should not diminish the value of the concept of crisis in helping us to understand the magnification and intensification of events in which men perceived their lives to be unravelling, and that became occasions for suicide (Caputo, 1993). But caution should be exercised in generalising from the experiences of some men to the population as a whole. While representations of wounded men were palpable in medico-legal reports where men displayed evidence of disempowered masculinity and the desire to harness emotions of pain, aggrievement, frustration, distress, and rage to enact violence against themselves and others (Robinson, 2000), the extent to which suicide functioned as an expression of men's power needs to be considered. Previous research has indicated that men mobilise emotions in acts of abuse and violence, and that suicide is not only a reaction to emotional distress, but that it may also operate as distinct form of violence aimed at punishing others (River & Flood, 2021; Scourfield et al., 2012). Therefore, there is a need to consider how dominant narratives about disempowered masculinity may have shaped the way evidence from various actors was presented in medico-legal reports (Langer et al., 2008). As Robinson (2000) has suggested, the therapeutic discourse of individual men's experiences of emotional pain and distress is emblematic of wounded and disempowered masculinity, at the same time as this focus on men's bodies conceals the social, institutional, and political supports of men's violence. The dynamics, severity, and impacts of suicide and how it can be used to communicate a particular set of meanings has been well documented by those studying the social meanings of suicide (Douglas, 1967; Staples & Widger, 2012). Because the act of suicide draws on culturally established meanings and is a practice for expressing emotion, agency in suicide is both gendered and relational (Jaworski, 2010; River & Flood, 2021). The social and moral potency of suicidal acts performed by some men in our study are therefore important for considering how men used suicide as a form of indirect power over others with intentional, damaging, and long-term effects (Counts, 1984). Suicide operates as a form of indirect power over others because of judgements of responsibility on those who may be seen to have ‘caused’ the death (Douglas, 1967). This can lead to feelings of blameworthiness and guilt on the part of survivors. The grief and guilt associated with suicide can be especially pernicious and disruptive to relationships within families, including those between mothers and their children (McMenamy et al., 2008). Suicide, therefore, can be viewed in terms of a tactic or strategy by which some men sought to maintain influence or control over women, even in death (Chandler, 2019; Counts, 1984). Viewed as such, suicide may reinforce relations of power, and make it a compelling option for some men. Limitations In cases of incomplete or missing data, there was a risk of bias in the quantitative analysis. However, multiple imputations of these variables found that rates were similar to those excluding missing data, increasing confidence in the results. The focus of medico-legal reports on proximal factors meant that information on distal factors such as family history or experiences of childhood adversity/violence was limited in many cases. The sampling of medico-legal reports for qualitative analysis based on the quality of data may have also resulted in the exclusion of some individuals or groups unlikely to be represented, such as the socially isolated or marginalised. A product of the coronial investigation, informants' narratives involve retrospective interpretation and reporting on the deceased's thoughts, emotions, and behaviours. As such, they are necessarily partial, subjective, and both constituting and constituted by particular contexts (Bantjes & Swartz, 2019). While medico-legal reports are a rich source of data, we acknowledge the contexts in which people engage in practical reasoning about suicide and the problematic authority of these accounts (Scourfield et al., 2012). Conclusion This study contributes to our understanding of gender, violence, and suicide, highlighting the socio-demographic and situational factors in which family and intimate partner violence and suicide occurs, and the intended outcomes of men's actions. Health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial circumstances created a complex emotional environment in which men enacted different forms of violence as a means of exerting control over specific situations and intimate others. This resulted in a variety of negative outcomes for women and family members, but also for men. The proportion of men in contact with police and/or health services in the weeks before suicide was high. However, health and criminal justice interventions served as short-term responses to violence, mental illness, and suicidal behaviour, were disjointed, and did not directly communicate with each other. The study highlights the need for interventions that address employment security in rural areas, and that provide access to well–targeted, integrated health and community services and perpetrator programs. (Note: This study doesn't include the 1 in 7 men who are the victims of domestic violence.) References 1. Alston, M. (2012). Rural male suicide in Australia. Social Science & Medicine, 74, 515–522. 2. Altheide, D., Coyle, M., Devriese, K., & Schneider, C. (2008). Emergent qualitative document analysis. In S. N. Hesse-Biber & P. Leavy (Eds.), Handbook of emergent methods (pp. 127–151). The Guildford Press. 3. Atkinson, J. M. (1978). Discovering suicide. Macmillan. 4. Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2018). Australian statistical geography standard (ASGS): Volume 5 – Remoteness structure, July 2016. Catalogue No. 1270.0.55.005. 5. Australian Medical Association. (2016). AMA position statement: Family and domestic violence. https://www.ama.com.au/position-statement/family-and-domestic-violence-2016 Google Scholar Bantjes, J., & Swartz, L. (2019). “What can we learn from first-person narratives?” The case of nonfatal suicidal behavior. Qualitative Health Research, 29, 1497–1507. View PubMed Web of Science® Google Scholar Borochowitz, D. Y., & Eisikovits, Z. (2002). To love violently: Strategies for reconciling love and violence. Violence Against Women, 8, 476–494. View Web of Science® Google Scholar Brown, S., & Seals, J. (2019). Intimate partner problems and suicide: Are we missing the violence? Journal of Injury and Violence Research, 11, 53. PubMed Google Scholar Caine, E. D. (2013). Forging an agenda for suicide prevention in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 103, 822–829. View PubMed Web of Science® Google Scholar Cannon, C., Lauve-Moon, K., & Buttell, F. (2015). Re-theorizing intimate partner violence through post-structural feminism, queer theory, and the sociology of gender. Social Sciences, 4(3), 668–687. Full text versionView Google Scholar Caputo, J. D. (1993). Against ethics. Indiana University Press. Chandler, A. (2019). Boys don’t cry? Critical phenomenology, self-harm and suicide. The Sociological Review, 67, 1350–1366. Chandler, A. (2021). Masculinities and suicide: Unsettling ‘talk’ as a response to suicide in men. Critical Public Health, 1–10. Chong, D. G., Buckley, N. A., Schumann, J. L., & Chitty, K. M. (2020). Acute alcohol use in Australian coronial suicide cases, 2010–2015. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 212, 108066. Cleary, A. (2019). The gendered landscape of suicide. Palgrave MacMillan. Coates, L., & Wade, A. (2004). Telling it like it isn't: Obscuring perpetrator responsibility for violent crime. Discourse & Society, 15, 499–526. Corvo, K., & Johnson, P. J. (2003). Vilification of the “batterer”: How blame shapes domestic violence policy and interventions. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 8, 259–281. Counts, D. A. (1984). Revenge suicide by Lusi women: An expression of power. In D. O'Brien & S. W. Tiffany (Eds.), Rethinking women’s roles (pp. 71–93). University of California Press. Dekeseredy, W., Donnermeyer, J. F., Schwartz, M. D., Tunnell, K. D., & Hall, M. (2007). Thinking critically about rural gender relations: Toward a rural masculinity crisis/male peer support model of separation/divorce sexual assault. Critical Criminology, 15, 295–311. Domestic Violence Prevention Council (2016). Findings and recommendations from the review of domestic and family violence deaths in the Australian Capital Territory. http://www.cmd.act.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0003/864714/DVPC-Review-of-Domestic-and-Family-Violence-Deaths.pdf Douglas, J. D. (1967). The social meanings of suicide. Princeton University Press. Fincham, B., Langer, S., Scourfield, J., & Shiner, M. (2011). Understanding suicide: A sociological autopsy. Palgrave Macmillan. Fitzpatrick, S. J., Handley, T., Powell, N., Read, D., Inder, K. J., Perkins, D., & Brew, B. K. (2021). Suicide in rural Australia: A retrospective study of mental health problems, health-seeking and service utilisation. PLoS One, 16, e0245271. Gilchrist, G., Radcliffe, P., Mcmurran, M., & Gilchrist, L. (2015). The need for evidence-based responses to address intimate partner violence perpetration among male substance misusers. Criminal Behavior & Mental Health, 25, 233–238. Hacking, I. (2008). The suicide weapon. Critical Inquiry, 35, 1–32. Hall, S. (2002). Daubing the drudges of fury: Men, violence and the piety of the ‘hegemonic masculinity’ thesis. Theoretical Criminology, 6, 35–61. Hearn, J. (2012). The sociological significance of domestic violence: Tensions, paradoxes and implications. Current Sociology, 61, 152–170. Hearn, J., Novikova, I., Pringle, K., Jyrkinen, M., Iovanni, L., Arranz, F., Kolga, V., Balkmar, D., & Wojtaszek, M. M. (2013). Studying men’s violences: Some key methodological principles in developing a European research framework. Masculinities & Social Change, 2, 82–115. Jaworski, K. (2010). The gendering of suicide. Australian Feminist Studies, 25, 47–61. Johnson, M. P. (1995). Patriarchal terrorism and common couple violence: Two forms of violence against women. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57, 283–294. Jordan, A., & Chandler, A. (2019). Crisis, what crisis? A feminist analysis of discourse on masculinities and suicide. Journal of Gender Studies, 28, 462–474. Langer, S., Scourfield, J., & Fincham, B. (2008). Documenting the quick and the dead: A study of suicide case files in a coroner's office. The Sociological Review, 56, 293–308. Lewis, J., & Ritchie, J. (2003). Generalising from qualitative research. In J. Ritchie & J. Lewis (Eds.), Qualitative research practice: A guide for social science students and researchers (pp. 263–286). Sage. Little, J. (2016). Understanding domestic violence in rural spaces: A research agenda. Progress in Human Geography, 41, 472–488. Mallon, S., Galway, K., Hughes, L., Rondón-Sulbarán, J., & Leavey, G. (2016). An exploration of integrated data on the social dynamics of suicide among women. Sociology of Health & Illness, 38, 662–675. McMenamy, J. M., Jordan, J. R., & Mitchell, A. M. (2008). What do suicide survivors tell us they need? Results of a pilot study. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 38, 375–389. Morgan, D. (2006). The crisis in masculinity. In K. Davis, M. Evans, & J. Lorber (Eds.), Handbook of gender and women’s studies (pp. 109–123). Sage. Morgan, M. (2021). Police responses to persons with mental illness: The policy and procedures manual of one Australian police agency and ‘procedural justice policy’. Social Sciences, 10, 42. O’Donnell, O., House, A., & Waterman, M. (2015). The co-occurrence of aggression and self-harm: Systematic literature review. Journal of Affective Disorders, 175, 325–350. Oliffe, J. L., Creighton, G., Robertson, S., Broom, A., Jenkins, E. K., Ogrodniczuk, J. S., & Ferlatte, O. (2016). Injury, interiority, and isolation in men’s suicidality. American Journal of Men's Health, 11, 888–899. Oliffe, J. L., Ogrodniczuk, J. S., Bottorff, J. L., Johnson, J. L., & Hoyak, K. (2012). “You feel like you can’t live anymore”: Suicide from the perspectives of Canadian men who experience depression. Social Science & Medicine, 74, 506–514. Pain, R. (2014). Everyday terrorism: Connecting domestic violence and global terrorism. Progress in Human Geography, 38, 531–550. Pain, R. (2015). Intimate war. Political Geography, 44, 64–73. Pease, B. (2012). The politics of gendered emotions: Disrupting men's emotional investment in privilege. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 47, 125–142. Rasmussen, M. L., Haavind, H., & Dieserud, G. (2018). Young men, masculinities, and suicide. Archives of Suicide Research, 22, 327–343. Ritchie, J., Spencer, L., & O'Connor, W. (2005). Carrying out qualitative analysis. In J. Ritchie & J. Lewis (Eds.), Qualitative research practice (pp. 219–262). Sage. River, J., & Flood, M. (2021). Masculinities, emotions and men’s suicide. Sociology of Health & Illness, 43, 910–927. Robinson, S. (2000). Marked men. Columbia University Press. Scourfield, J. (2005). Suicidal masculinities. Sociological Research Online, 10, 35–44. Scourfield, J., Fincham, B., Langer, S., & Shiner, M. (2012). Sociological autopsy: An integrated approach to the study of suicide in men. Social Science & Medicine, 74, 466–473. Staples, J., & Widger, T. (2012). Situating suicide as an anthropological problem: Ethnographic approaches to understanding self-harm and self-inflicted death. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 36, 183–203. State of Victoria. (2016). Royal commission into family violence: Summary and recommendations. Parliamentray Paper No 132. http://rcfv.archive.royalcommission.vic.gov.au/MediaLibraries/RCFamilyViolence/Reports/RCFV_Full_Report_Interactive.pdf Stenbacka, M., Moberg, T., Romelsjö, A., & Jokinen, J. (2012). Mortality and causes of death among violent offenders and victims: A Swedish population based longitudinal study. BMC Public Health, 12, 1–10. Sterne, J. A. C., White, I. R., Carlin, J. B., Spratt, M., Royston, P., Kenward, M. G., Wood, A. M., & Carpenter, J. R. (2009). Multiple imputation for missing data in epidemiological and clinical research: Potential and pitfalls. BMJ, 338, b2393. Timmermans, S. (2005). Suicide determination and the professional authority of medical examiners. American Sociological Review, 70, 311–333. Varshney, M., Mahapatra, A., Krishnan, V., Gupta, R., & Deb, K. S. (2016). Violence and mental illness: What is the true story? Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, 70, 223–225. Widger, T. (2012). Suffering, frustration, and anger: Class, gender and history in Sri Lankan suicide stories. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 36, 225–244. World Health Organization. (2016). International statistical classification of diseases and related health problems 10th revision. World Health Organization. Yep, G. A. (2003). The violence of heteronormativity in communication Studies. Journal of Homosexuality, 45, 11–59. (See men-suicide-family-interpersonal-violence.html for more reference detail.) Source: onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9566.13476 Sexism and Domestic Violence: Male Victims
|
4:21