Have you
experienced or witnessed a hate crime or bias incident?
Special Report - May 5, 2019
African
Hate on Me Jill Scott If I could give you the world, on a
silver platter. Here reality I'm gon' be who I be and
I don't feel no faults (Chorus) Ooh, if I gave you peaches outta
my own garden If I gave you sanity for the whole of
humanity (Chorus) (Chorus) You cannot hate on me 'cause my mind
is free (Chorus) (Chorus) You cannot hate on me 'cause my mind
is free (Chorus)
Hate in
Schools ABOUT THIS PROJECT: HATE IN SCHOOLS Three swastikas were scrawled on the note found in the girls' restroom, along with a homophobic comment and a declaration: “I Love Trump.” Found inside the backpack of a Latina student, a note that said: Go back to Mexico. Two other hate-filled incidents—invoking Donald Trump’s name and using swastikas—were also reported that same day. The school: Council Rock High in this mostly white, affluent Philadelphia suburb. The day: Nov. 9, 2016, the day after the election of President Trump. Council Rock school district Superintendent Robert Fraser condemned the incidents, but told parents he believed they were isolated events. The acts, he wrote in a letter on Nov. 10, were “inappropriate” and would not be tolerated. But, he emphasized, they were “likely the responsibility of a very small number of individuals whose actions should not damage the reputation of the larger group.” Soon after, the district formed a council on diversity, mostly composed of parents, and took several other steps, including training for school staff to better identify and respond to hate incidents. Despite those efforts, Council Rock High, said some parents and students, continues to have a culture where racist views are sometimes boldly expressed, but oftentimes ferment under the surface. The hate-fueled incidents at Council Rock in the wake of the divisive 2016 presidential election, and the school’s rocky path to addressing them, are not unusual. Concerns about a rise in hate crimes and bias incidents have surged since the campaign and election of President Trump, who has frequently used coarse language and racist rhetoric when describing immigrants, people of color, and women. In schools, similar worries are echoed by some students, parents, and educators who suggest that Trump’s influence has emboldened some children, teenagers, and even school employees to openly espouse hateful views. To understand how hate, intolerance, and bias are affecting school climate and impacting students and their educators, Education Week partnered with the nonprofit news organization ProPublica in a project called Documenting Hate. We analyzed three years of media reports and self-reported incidents of hate and bias in K-12 school settings—many submitted to ProPublica. In a review of 472 verified accounts, we found that most incidents that took place in schools between January 2015 and December 2017 targeted black and Latino students, as well as those who are Jewish or Muslim. Most of the incidents—some of which were formally reported to school personnel—involved hate speech, spoken and written. Reports of bodily harm were relatively rare. The most common words were: “the n-word,” various versions of “build the wall” and “go back to [insert foreign country name here, usually Mexico].” The most common hate symbol: swastikas. The largest number of reports on a single day in K-12 schools: November 9, 2016—the day after Trump’s election. But is it fair to lay all the blame on the words and actions of President Trump for the vitriol spewed in schools? Anecdotal reports aren’t enough to suggest that the president’s inflammatory talk has led to increased rates of bullying and new data show that bullying rates held steady in 2017, according to the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance Survey. One expert on school climate cautioned school leaders to avoid blaming acts of hate and bullying in the last couple of years on Trump’s influence. “There is usually never just one cause of bullying, so if we scapegoat it on the president, we are overlooking the broader climate issues that were there before and will likely continue if not directly addressed,” said Deborah Temkin, who is the director of education research for the nonpartisan Child Trends and previously oversaw federal efforts to combat bullying in the Obama administration. ‘How adults respond to incidents affects the entire climate of the school’ In the more than 18 months since the 2016 outburst at Council Rock North, other hateful acts have taken place at the high school and other schools in the district, according to more than a dozen parents and students interviewed by Education Week. When a group of students campaigned last year to change the school’s American Indian mascot, someone created an Instagram account to counter with racist alternatives. Among them: a KKK figure, an image of a Latino with the words “Council Rock Tacos,” and an image of a black person holding a gun with the words “Council Rock criminals.” Last year, a middle school teacher in the Council Rock district draped a Confederate flag on her classroom wall, while a district contractor showed up at a school during a session of basketball camp with a large Confederate flag hoisted from his truck. After parents on the diversity council reported the flags for being offensive, they were removed. Schools have long been a venue for bias and harassment, where targeted students can feel threatened and unwelcome and where parents worry about their children’s physical safety. And administrators often falter in dealing with the ugliness—in both the immediate aftermath and over the longer-term to confront deeper-seated hate and bias in their school communities. K-12 leaders must first investigate and identify the motivation for the incidents, Temkin said, and then establish whether there are solutions such as anti-bias training and multicultural education that could address the problem. “We know how adults respond to incidents affects the entire climate of the school, as in saying that these incidents are not okay and not the norm,” Temkin said. “However, there is some assumption on the part of the parents of what a school should do that may not align to what a school should or can do.” Often, Temkin said, school leaders and teachers may feel pressure to discipline those who commit the hateful acts, but doing so can undermine aiming for a more sustainable outcome in trying to push back on the bias itself. The two main areas to focus on should be making sure kids who were targeted feel safe and delving into why the perpetrators of the bias incidents are acting that way. While data on hate-related incidents in schools is skimpy at best, the U.S. Department of Justice polls students periodically about the issue as part of its National Crime Victimization Survey. In 2015, the most recent school crime survey, more than 25 percent of students reported seeing hate-related graffiti in their schools. That same survey also revealed that the majority of students who reported being a target of hate-related words attend suburban schools. Public schools in America’s suburban communities are increasingly likely to be the most diverse, with majority white student enrollments giving way to an influx of students from a variety of racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds. Schools like Council Rock North High, where 88 percent of students are white, 1.5 percent are black, and 2 percent are Latino. ‘I don’t think my classmates and teachers really grasp the pain we feel’ For Jayla Johnson, 17, who graduated from Council Rock North in June, the post-election spewing of hate and intolerance was not new. The African-American student said she had heard classmates use racial slurs and praise the Ku Klux Klan. “I don’t think my classmates and teachers really grasp the pain we feel,” Jayla said. “It runs deep.” Her older sister Janai, who graduated in 2013, had encountered a racist threat written on a wall in a girls’ bathroom during her sophomore year: “I’m going to kill all the niggers.” The names of black students were listed, Janai’s included. When that happened, school administrators didn’t notify Janai’s parents, said her mother, Robyn Johnson. “No one called,” she said. “They didn’t address it until I addressed it.” The high school of 1,700 students is in Bucks County, about 30 miles from Philadelphia. It has a reputation for strong student achievement. It’s in a school district sought after by teachers—for the high-performing students and some of the best salaries in Pennsylvania. When the cascade of post-Election Day hate incidents struck, Fraser, the superintendent, took several steps to address broader issues of racism and intolerance in the school community. Among the most notable was establishing the diversity council, a voluntary group of parents who were to advise district leaders. The district’s leadership and parent activists—while articulating similar goals—have clashed over how to achieve them. Two major points of disagreement are a lack of diversity in the district’s teaching ranks and how to best accommodate transgender students, according to parents on the diversity council. So less than year after its formation, district officials decided the parent group would no longer be affiliated with the school system. Fraser declined to be interviewed for this story. He provided a statement listing over two dozen actions the district has taken over the past two years to confront and prevent hateful acts. “I am committed to ensuring that Council Rock is clearly recognized as a district that not only welcomes diversity of all kinds but celebrates it,” Fraser wrote. In his statement, Fraser cited school climate surveys designed by an external firm that were administered at the beginning of the 2017-18 school year, but no results have been released yet. Teachers have had diversity awareness training and the district has hosted conversations on equity. It has designed cultural competency at every grade level with community social justice groups such as the Peace Center, which has been tracking dozens of bias incidents in the community and helps counsel targeted families. “We will continue our work in the coming years, as accepting anything less than 100 percent success in this area is unacceptable,” Fraser said. But for the parents of students who were targeted by the earlier incidents, the district’s overall response has been too slow and defensive, said Kim Xantus, an Asian-American parent who serves on the diversity council. While the principal and staff at her children’s elementary school have been proactive on fostering conversations about race, such efforts have been sporadic districtwide and left to students or parents to often lead the charge, Xantus said. Jayla, similarly frustrated, was motivated to start a diversity club for students on campus. Late last year, she testified in Washington, before U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, a Republican, about her experiences with racism and prejudice in school. But in many places, it is intimidating for students to report being harassed or bullied because of their race, ethnicity, or family’s immigration status. In Carbon Hill, Ala., three students—all of them African-American girls who are about to start their sophomore year—say they were repeatedly harassed at school during their freshmen year by five white male upperclassmen. In a high school that is 96 percent white, these students say they were called the n-word and sexually charged slurs by the boys on multiple occasions during the 2017-18 school year. They’ve had fake money thrown at them during lunch. One of the boys threatened to kill the girls by hanging, their parents said. Keisha King, whose daughter has been one of the main targets of the harassment, says it feels like times have regressed compared to her experience at Carbon Hill High 18 years ago, when she also was one of the few black students. All three families said the aggressive nature of the behavior prompted them to speak out and seek help from the NAACP. Even though King said that some of the boys were suspended, she still feels the district hasn’t taken her concerns about safety seriously. The students harassing her daughter are slated to return to campus in the fall. After weighing whether she could move her family to Birmingham—an hour away—so that her daughter could attend another school, King recently decided that for now they would stay. Miracle, King's daughter, confided to her that she didn’t want to run away from the problem nor abandon her classmates who feel isolated. Jason Adkins, the superintendent of Walker County schools where Carbon Hill is located, said in an interview that he believed the school had taken care of the parents’ concerns about their daughters’ safety. He declined to speak specifically about the discipline measures taken against the boys, citing student privacy. But he did address what he thinks should be done in such circumstances. “We exist to intervene in those situations where people can not intervene for themselves and need a little help, from somebody that can make a difference,” Adkins said. “First and foremost, there should always be an investigation. Hopefully, most of the time, we then do what we should do as a school system and do something toward helping improve the situation. I am sure that we do make mistakes, and that doesn’t always happen, but it should.” Adkins, who recently lost a re-election campaign to remain superintendent in Walker County, said he would reach out again to the girls and their families before school starts to make sure their concerns were addressed more thoroughly. “We need to examine working on the school’s culture and asking, ‘how do we go about embracing people from various backgrounds?’ ” Students Report Seeing Hate Graffiti on Campus by Race ‘It’s hard to believe in a way it’s still around and becoming more prevalent’ Jewish organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League have reported that anti-Semitic incidents in general have soared to their highest levels in two decades in the U.S. over the last couple of years. The ADL has an anti-bias education program that’s in more than 70 schools in New England, mostly in Massachusetts. It focuses on high school students training younger peers, particularly in middle school. While anti-Semitic incidents took place in schools dotting the nation, Education Week found at least 73 incidents occurred in schools in Massachusetts during the 2015-2023 period that it analyzed. The ADL, however, reported 93 incidents occurring in Massachusetts schools alone in 2017, up from 50 in 2016. One of those occurred in 2016 at Marblehead High School, in the Boston area. Students circulated on Snapchat an image of a swastika made from pennies that was photographed in a chemistry lab. “For me, who has direct heritage tied to the Holocaust, including hearing stories from my grandmother during [World War II] of what our family and friends experienced, seeing these reminders of how members of our families died just thrown around on social media, is painful,” said Talia Ornstein, a 17-year-old student at Marblehead High. “It’s hard to believe in a way it’s still around and becoming more prevalent.” Her classmate, Sophia Spungin, 16, said the incident felt “like a direct attack as it’s the symbol signifying hatred toward a particular group. Plain and simple, it’s not okay.” After the incident, students at Marblehead worked to raise money to bring in the ADL’s anti-bias program, which extends beyond addressing anti-Semitism to other forms of discrimination. Some teachers say they must play a frontline role in combatting intolerance. One of those teachers is Jennifer Goss, who designed a course on the Holocaust and other genocides in world history at Robert E. Lee High School in Staunton, Va., where many of her students are white. Goss has taught her course for nearly 15 years, but she said interest has grown among her students, as well as her fellow teachers in recent years, something she attributes to the heightened cultural tensions in the country. “Initially when I started teaching the class I was using examples of anti-Semitic graffiti that were from 10 years ago,” Goss said. “And sadly, I can go onto most major news outlets today and find examples from just a couple of weeks ago.” ‘I'm not in school with her, I can't protect her’ The pervasive use of social media to spread messages of hate can leave communities feeling pummeled. Many of the bias reports Education Week reviewed included the use of Instagram and Snapchat. Parents interviewed in various cities said they usually find out about hate-related incidents from their children or social media. In another case of racist speech spreading like wildfire on social media, seven students at Bel Air High School in Bel Air, Md., used the occasion of the school’s “Scrabble Day” to spell out the n-word with letters written on their T-shirts. A photo went viral on social media in the following days. Jahneen Keatz, an African-American mother whose daughter Jenea is a junior at the high school, said she got a robocall from the principal who said there had been an “incident” and students had been disciplined. But the principal offered no other details. Keatz finally found out what happened when another black parent saw the image on social media and called her. After community outrage, the Harford County school district started some diversity initiatives at the high school, where 79 percent of students are white, according to state data. Bel Air school officials declined to be interviewed, but Laurie Namey, the district’s supervisor of equity and cultural proficiency, sent a statement that listed their efforts, including at the high school campus where “students directly involved in the incident took part in a restorative lesson focused on the historical and current social impact” of the slur used. Jenea, 15, has become a vocal activist against racism since last fall’s incident, said her mother. But Keatz said she worries about her daughter’s safety. “My daughter will tell you, I check in with her every day,” Keatz said. “I want her to know that she has a voice and my only job is to teach her how to use it productively, to hopefully evoke change. But as a parent, as a mother…there is some worry. Because I'm not in school with her, I can't protect her.” These conversations are inescapable for families of color, said Karsonya Wise Whitehead, a professor of communication, African, and African-American studies at Loyola University Maryland who is often is tapped to speak to audiences after a bias incident occurs in their community. This school year, that call came from her own backyard, after a cluster of affluent private schools in Baltimore, including the school her own sons attend, started a social media firestorm after photos of students and alumni dressed in racist Halloween costumes circulated online. According to the Baltimore Sun, one photo showed a graduate of Boys’ Latin School of Maryland dressed in an orange jumpsuit with the name “Freddie Gray” on the back, referring to the African-American man who died from injuries while in police custody in 2015 and who became a prominent symbol in the greater Black Lives Matter movement. A second photo, from a different party, depicted two teens from Gilman School and Roland Park Country School dressed in orange jumpsuits with a racial slur in the caption, the Sun reported. One of the schools, Roland Park, brought in Whitehead to talk to all students about how hurtful and racist the images were and to lead a discussion about diversity, inclusion, and taking “ownership over our words and actions” with the predominately upper-class, white student body, she said. After the white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Va., last August, teachers came together to share resources on how to best discuss racism and hatred in the classroom. Here are five pieces of advice from educators. Whitehead has found that sometimes it’s parents—not school administrators—who are the most reluctant to address incidences of bigotry. “Sometimes the complaint is, my child is too young,” Whitehead said. “Or it seems like you're stuffing this down our throat. Or I can't believe we have to deal with this again.” Whitehead’s oldest son Kofi is a student at the all-male Gilman, one of the private schools involved in the Halloween scandal. He will be the vice president of the school’s Black Student Union next year. “After the incident, I talked with my parents, trying to figure out how to make my white classmates understand what it means to be black and male in America,” he said. “There are days when I do not completely understand it myself.” ‘I tell them to be proud of who we are and what we bring to the community’ In rural Perry, Iowa, the Latino student population has grown a lot in the past 20 years due in part to the meat processing plants and other industries that employ many immigrants from Mexico. Perry High School, once mostly white, is now half white and half Latino, said Principal Dan Marburger. Most of the school’s Latino students are U.S.-born with Mexican-born parents. But in a region that’s still predominately white, Perry High’s Latino students have been the targets of hate speech—especially in the realm of high school sports. During a basketball game in February 2016, the Perry Hall team—most of its players were Latino—heard chants of “Trump! Trump! Trump!” when they ran onto the court to start the game. The taunts came from about a dozen students from the opposing high school, Marburger said. In statements to their communities and in media interviews, both Marburger and the opposing school’s principal immediately condemned the actions. But those taunts followed a pattern that has been common when teams play Perry High, Marburger said. He’s seen Perry referred to as “little Mexico” on Snapchat, heard soccer players report that people at games shout “hey, where's your green card?” and had fans from opposing teams wear sombreros. Most of his students of Mexican descent have “been in our communities forever and were born here,” Marburger said. “Neighboring schools don't know that. They just see that, ‘Hey, there's a couple brown kids out on the court. Let's start chanting that stuff.’” “We have to talk about race every year with our kids at different times,” Marburger said. “I tell them to be proud of who we are and what we bring to the community. Then, we also deal with it straight-up with other schools when we do hear it.” When hate incidents happen, Marburger says school leaders “need to get out in front of it,” and be proactive, both with students and the broader community. But often, these types of incidents aren’t handled that way. Two of the districts contacted by Education Week for this story, for example, declined to speak directly with a reporter, sending carefully worded statements instead. ‘This conversation does not need to be about blame, shame, or judgment’ While many of the reported incidents were peer-to-peer hate speech, teachers and school support staff have also been the source of bigoted statements. Marialis Vasquez, who graduated from her New Jersey high school in 2017, said a white male teacher told her and her classmates that he agreed with Donald Trump that Mexicans are bad for the country, calling them “pigs” and “lazy” the day after the election in 2016. The high school, Vasquez said, has a predominately Latino student population. Although she is from the Dominican Republic, Vasquez took the teachers’ remarks on Mexicans as derogatory for all Latinos. “When people talk about Latinos, they talk about all of us as a whole,” said Vasquez, who reported the incident to the school’s principal, but declined to identify the school or names of personnel out of fear of retribution. “I just remember him saying in front of the class—it wasn’t a full apology—that he wouldn’t speak about his beliefs any more in the class,” Vasquez recalled. “And that was it.” Hate speech and bigoted ideas coming from a teacher or school official can result in a different type of long-term damage for students that arguably rivals trauma similarly inflicted by their peers. “We have some initial evidence that if you are being discriminated against by your peers, that is more likely to affect kind of your social and emotional well-being,” said Aprile Benner, a University of Texas at Austin professor who conducts research on the development of low-income students and students of color. “If you are being discriminated by educators, it is more likely to influence academics, not surprisingly.” In interviews, both parents and teachers stressed the importance of recruiting teachers of color as an important solution to stemming a tide of bigotry and intolerance. While black and Latino students benefit from having teachers with a shared experience, white students have much to learn from educators from different backgrounds than their own. One such network pushing to expand the ranks of diverse teachers—Teaching While Muslim—was founded by New Jersey teachers Nagla Bedir and Luma Hasan. In the hate incident reports Education Week reviewed, Muslim students, particularly girls, are often targeted. One reason: Wearing a hijab, the traditional religious head cover for Muslim girls and women. Bedir said she and Hasan created the group because Muslim teachers often feel alone when either they or their Muslim students face discrimination in schools. The duo works with other Muslim and non-Muslim educators to hold workshops throughout the country to help combat Islamophobia. They have a blog where Muslim students, parents, and teachers can describe their experiences in school, and list resources such as lesson plans and curriculum guides on anti-bias education. “We want to also highlight that, and make sure that people don't just see Muslims as one monolithic group,” said Bedir. Others echoed Bedir, quick to remind educators that minority groups within themselves have intracultural differences important to take into account when designing inclusion initiatives. Among the hate and bias incidents that Education Week reviewed, some white students expressed a curiosity as to why white pride groups are shunned, and expressed feeling left out of diversity work. In a handful of instances, white students said they were bullied for expressing support for Trump, usually in districts with more racial diversity. In one urban school district—Denver—leaders have embraced such questions and are exploring “whiteness” as part of its broader work around diversity and inclusion. Twenty-five percent of the district’s students are white, while 75 percent of its teachers are white. “We really start off with the understanding that everyone has bias, and it doesn't make you a racist,” said Allen Smith, the Denver district’s chief of culture, equity, and leadership, who is black. “This conversation does not need to be about blame, shame, or judgment, which does ease the tension a little bit, and gives permission for people to talk.” He brought in Jennifer Harvey, a professor of ethics and religion at Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa, to speak to students and district employees about institutional racism and white privilege. Harvey said the term "white privilege" is often off-putting, but she believes the concept behind it is true—that people who are white have had major advantages, over people of color in how American society functions. Harvey explained that while it’s “always dangerous to be too general” when analyzing a cultural group, there are important observations to keep in mind when talking to white students and educators about white privilege. Some white students may never really think about their own identity in terms of race, so don’t see racism as their problem, she said. And in highly diverse communities, like Denver, white students may see themselves as “onlookers” to the bigger discussions around diversity. “There's a lot of white guilt that then ends up causing white youth to vacate the race conversation altogether,” said Harvey, who is white. “Or the push (for diversity) ends up, more terrifyingly, turning into resentment towards their peers of color.” In Council Rock North High School, a discussion of white privilege triggered some staff members to leave in protest during a diversity training session, according to parents on the diversity council. Those who left felt the term ignored their lower economic class roots, parents heard. Dealing with bias remains a work in progress in the Council Rock district. Kathia Monard-Weissman, who is Latina and has two elementary-aged children in Council Rock’s schools, said a core group of eight parents serve as the executive board, each of whom oversees committees made up of other parents. Students attend the council’s meetings, along with other family members. As many as 100 people have come to the council’s meetings. At a gathering in late May at a public library in Newtown, a dozen parents discussed their concerns, more than 18 months since the post-election cascade of hate incidents. Education Week devotes many resources to covering the complex issues explored in Hate in Schools: bullying, discrimination, bias, school climate, and student safety. To delve even more deeply into our coverage of these important topics, subscribe today. Among them:
“The community’s changing and we have to prepare kids,” said Lori Perusich, a Jewish mother of two Council Rock students who serves on the council. “We have to realize what’s at stake here if we don’t act now. And we’re not going away.” Have you experienced or witnessed a
hate crime or bias incident? If you've got an incident or
experience to share, please use this
form. 
1:17Hate at School, a report by SPLC's Teaching Tolerance project Special Report:
Hate at School No one should have to work or learn in a space where they’re exposed to bias and harassment. But while we may all agree with that statement, we must also all recognize that dealing with hate and bias at school are a part of everyday life for too many of our students and colleagues. Today, we’re sharing our new special report, Hate at School 2018. As our regular readers know, TT has been tracking media reports of incidents of hate and bias in U.S. schools for over a year. Most of these media-reported incidents involved racist, antisemitic, anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ slurs, comments or symbols. In 2018, we were disheartened, if not surprised, to learn that hate makes news in elementary and secondary schools—on campus and off—in all 50 states in the union and Washington, D.C. In the fall of 2018, we reached out to you and other educators across the United States with a survey to find out what you were seeing in your classrooms, schools and communities. More than 2,700 of you responded, affirming what we already suspected: News reports of hate are only the tip of the iceberg. In Hate at School 2018, we offer an overview of these findings. But our goal isn’t just to recognize where things are going wrong—it’s to encourage what’s going right. Almost a third of you reported witnessing no hate incidents in your school communities last fall. Again and again, you credited students, colleagues and administrators with building and sustaining a school culture where all identities are respected and valued. We hope that, if the incidents described in the report echo ones you’ve seen or heard in your own community, you’ll find inspiration in these schools. We hope you’ll check out our school climate resources, which offer recommendations for responding to hate and bias, leading conversations about critical topics, speaking up against hate and building healthy communities. And we hope you’ll share this
report with friends and colleagues—in education and
beyond—to build public support so that you and all
educators and school leaders have the resources you need to
ensure schools are safe, inclusive spaces where all students
can thrive. School Climate Resources - Free: Responding to Hate and Bias at School Read the report - 52 page
PDF https://www.tolerance.org/sites/default/files/2017-07/Responding%20to%20Hate%20at%20School%202017.pdf
FBI:
Hate crimes reach 5-year high in 2016, jumped as Trump
rolled toward presidency The FBI, in
a report released Monday
However, 88% of participating law enforcement agencies reported no hate crimes in their jurisdictions, an ongoing challenge for data collection efforts. In comparison, the Bureau of Justice Statistics estimates that an annual average of 250,000 incidents of hate crime victimizations, about 40 times the number reported by the FBI. The most recent statistics show that 1,747 hate crimes were reported in the last quarter of the year — October through December. That figure is a 25.9% increase over the same period in 2015, when 1,388 hate crimes were reported. The increase further confirms the explosion of bias incidents the Southern Poverty Law Center and other civil rights organizations and journalists reported in the wake of the election. Also of note was the steady increase in hate crimes over the year that were also likely related to the campaign. Trump campaign rallies were regularly marked by violence and reports of an increase in bias incidents at K-12 schools started during the primaries. In fact, Trump is facing several lawsuits over his rhetoric at campaign rallies, including one in federal court in Louisville, Kentucky, which alleges that Trump encouraged supporters to remove a diverse group of protestors by yelling “get’em out of here.” The FBI said 58.9% of victims were targeted because of their ethnicity, race or ancestry bias. Another 21.1% were picked out because of their religious affiliation and 16.7% were attacked because of the offenders’ sexual-orientation bias. The FBI reported 381 anti-Muslim crimes, up more than 20% from the 301 reported in 2015. Anti-Jewish crimes skyrocketed to 834 reported incidents in 2016, up 16% from the 695 reported incidents the previous year. The bulk of reported offenders, 46.3% were white, while 26.1% were black. Nearly all offenders, 83.8% were over 18-years-old. Most of the hate crimes were crimes against people, which accounted for 4,720 incidents. Crimes against property accounted for 2,519 incidents in 2016. Alabama reported 12 hate crimes in 2016, with seven coming in Birmingham, three in Hoover and one each in Florence and Foley. The full FBI hate crimes statistical
report can be found at http://ucr.fbi.gov/hate-crime/2016/topic-pages/incidentsandoffenses
New FBI Data:
School-Based Hate Crimes Jumped 25 Percent Last Year —
for the Second Year in a Row It’s also the third consecutive year that reported hate crimes increased more broadly, according to the FBI. Across all locations, reported hate crimes rose by 17 percent in 2017. Hate crimes most frequently occurred in or near homes, accounting for 28 percent of incidents. Hate crimes were more frequently reported in schools than in commercial offices, government buildings, and churches. Hate Crimes Increase at Schools in 2017 Federal Bureau of Investigation data indicate reported hate crimes at K-12 schools and colleges jumped by 24.7 percent — the second year in a row where incidents spiked by roughly a quarter. While the number of hate crimes increased last year, so did the number of local law enforcement agencies reporting data to the federal government. An additional 1,000 law enforcement agencies contributed information on hate crimes last year compared with 2016, according to the FBI. The FBI’s civil rights program has made hate crimes its highest investigative priority, the agency said, and it’s working with local police to promote better reporting. Better reporting is likely a factor in the increase, but advocacy groups say they have also observed an uptick in incidents since the 2016 presidential election campaigns began. In the days after President Donald Trump was elected, the Southern Poverty Law Center conducted a survey of education leaders, who reported an uptick in verbal harassment as well as incidents involving swastikas and Nazi salutes. In the first month of school this fall, the group identified 43 incidents of hate in schools, a majority of which centered on anti-black racism. “In recent months, the news media has been filled with reports of hateful incidents in schools, including swastikas etched into bathroom tile, racist videos made by students and teachers donning anti-immigrant Halloween costumes,” Maureen Costello, director of the law center’s Teaching Tolerance project, said in a statement. She said she’s not surprised by the increase in reported hate crimes at schools but noted that hate “doesn’t take a detour at the schoolhouse door.” “The children in our schools are simply reflecting the divisions we’re seeing throughout America,” Costello said. “The danger is that children may learn that hate and extremism are normal, and that bullying and violence are acceptable.” But Nadine Connell, director of the Center for Crime and Justice Studies at the University of Texas at Dallas, took a more glass-half-full perspective. While divisive campaign rhetoric may have emboldened some people to act on hateful impulses, it could have also prompted greater reporting among both victims and police. Because hate crimes are historically underreported, she said the FBI data may not represent the full extent of such incidents in America. More reported hate crimes “could be very positive because it means these things are coming to light, they’re becoming part of the conversation, and they give us more opportunity to make change,” she told The 74. “You’re also reaching a point in policing where you can’t ignore these things anymore, or in education where you can’t ignore these things anymore.” Of the 7,175 hate crimes law enforcement agencies reported to the FBI last year, 10.5 percent occurred at schools and colleges. The data also include demographic information on hate crime offenders and victims: 17 percent of perpetrators were minors, as were 12 percent of hate crime victims. Although the FBI doesn’t clearly disaggregate data between universities and K-12 schools, Connell suspects hate crimes are more prevalent at the college level. Hate Crimes in the U.S. Spike by 17 Percent New data released by the Federal Bureau of Investigation indicate reported hate crimes jumped by 17 percent last year. It's the third year in a row reported hate crimes increased. The report, released weeks after a gunman killed 11 people at a Pittsburgh synagogue, also outlined a 17 percent increase in anti-Semitic attacks. More than half of anti-religious hate crime victims were targeted because they are Jewish, according to the FBI data. Meanwhile, anti-Semitic incidents at schools and colleges spiked sharply last year, according to the Anti-Defamation League. On college campuses, anti-Semitic incidents doubled, the group reported. This week, police launched an investigation after a photograph went viral online of Wisconsin high school students posing with what appeared to be Nazi salutes. Hate crimes based on race or ethnicity accounted for more than half of incidents reported at K-12 schools and colleges in 2017, according to the new FBI data. Religion-based incidents accounted for another quarter. In Massachusetts, school officials launched an investigation after an elementary school girl, who is Muslim, received notes at school last week that called her a terrorist and threatened to kill her. Connell said hate crimes based on race or ethnicity are likely more prevalent because physical differences are easier to identify and are therefore more easily targeted. Religious institutions, like synagogues, are also easy for perpetrators to identify, she said. Race-Based Hate Crimes Most Prevalent at K-12 Schools, College Campuses Of reported hate crimes in schools, those based on race/ethnicity were most prevalent in 2017, according to new Federal Bureau of Investigation data. Hate crimes represented as "Other" include those based on disability, gender, gender identity, and multiple-bias incidents. Hate crimes based on race/ethnicity accounted for more than half of incidents reported in schools in 2017, with 421 reported crimes. In 2016, race/ethnicity accounted for 329 reported incidents. While 2017 saw a spike in reported
hate crimes, overall violent crime was down slightly after
increasing in 2015 and 2016. Violent crime has also been on
the decline in schools in recent years, according to
National Center for Education Statistics data. Teaching about
race, racism and police violence: Resources for educators
and parents Editor’s note: This Web package was originally published in December 2014 under the title “Teaching About Ferguson: Race and Racism in the United States.” In the months since we first shared this resource, the number of people of color killed by the police has risen and the number of resources that support teaching about these incidents has grown. In light of this month’s shootings of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile, we updated this Web package to include external resources and newer Teaching Tolerance resources that address institutional violence more broadly. If you have suggestions for additional resources, please forward them to editor@tolerance.org The deaths of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., Eric Garner in New York City, Tamir Rice in Cleveland and too many others — along with the grand jury decisions in the earlier two cases — have caused waves of nationwide protest and appeals for stronger protections against police brutality. These events have also caused educators to seek resources on how to address these subjects in the classroom. These resources can help spur much-needed discussion of implicit bias and systemic racism, but they can also empower your students to enact the changes that will create a more just society. Teaching Tolerance Blogs
Resources From Teaching “The New Jim Crow”
Other Teaching Tolerance Resources
Related External Resources
Responding
to Hate and Bias at School A swastika, 20 feet in diameter, is burned into the pavement at a junior high school. A group of white high school students dresses in banana suits for a basketball game and taunts their majority-black rival with racial slurs. A Sikh student has his turban pulled off and hair cut by fellow students. Your school has plans and protocols in place to respond to fires, severe weather, medical emergencies, fights and weapons possession. But what about school incidents like those listed above that involve bigotry and hate? Are plans in place to respond to a bias incident or hate crime? Too often these plans are created in the moment during the actual crisis. Bias incidents are far too complex for on-the-fly planning; an early misstep can heighten tension and damage chances for long-term success. Responding to Hate and Bias at School is designed primarily for school administrators, but teachers, staff, counselors, students and others also may find guidance here. The guide is divided into three sections: Before a Crisis Occurs How can you and other school leaders assess your school’s climate with an eye toward defusing tension, preventing escalation and avoiding problems? When There’s a Crisis What are the nine key points to consider when responding to a crisis that has been triggered by a bias incident at your school? After the Worst is Over How can you address long-term planning and capacity building for the future, including development of social emotional skills? Hateful acts at school are dangerous, disturbing and disruptive. But keep this in mind: A bias incident does not define a school. It is, in many ways, a test of the school’s culture and climate. How you respond is the true measure of a school’s character. It’s up to school leaders to set
expectations. Everyone on staff, from the bus driver and
custodian to classroom teachers and the IT department, must
know that hate, disrespect and intimidation have no place on
campus, and that every student should feel welcome. Hate at school:
90-plus ‘poisonous’ incidents reported on K-12
campuses in October, 2017 Teaching Tolerance is a project of the nonprofit Southern Poverty Law Center that is dedicated to reducing prejudice and supporting equitable school experiences for all children in the United States. It provides free award-winning educational materials, and its magazine is sent to nearly every school in the country to help teachers, counselors and administrators effectively respond to hate and bias on campus. Before the 2016 presidential election, Teaching Tolerance did not track incidents of hate at the K-12 school level, though in the 10 days after the election, the Southern Poverty Law Center tracked almost 900 incidents, of which 183 were at K-12 schools, according to Maureen Costello, director of Teaching Tolerance. Also after the election, about 10,000 teachers responded to an online (nonrepresentative) survey by the law center and collectively described 2,500 incidents they had witnessed. Then, the law center joined news organizations in support of the ProPublica project #documenting hate. By this past September, Costello said, she was getting a stream of Google alerts with news stories about incidents and, on Oct. 1, Teaching Tolerance began its own count, including only stories that were published in reputable news sources, preferably with statements from school officials and/or police. In this post, Costello reveals what she found in October alone, in terms of the number of incidents and what schools did — or didn’t do — about the incidents. The article that follows appeared on the Teaching Tolerance website, and Costello gave me permission to publish it. Costello, a member of the Southern
Poverty Law Center’s senior leadership team, was a
history and economics teacher at Staten Island’s Notre
Dame Academy High School and then directed Newsweek’s
education program, which was dedicated to engaging high
school and college students in issues of public concern.
Immediately before joining Teaching Tolerance, she oversaw
development of the 2010 Census in Schools program for
Scholastic in partnership with the U.S. Census Bureau. The first
thing teachers should do when school starts is talk about
hatred in America. Teaching Tolerance has counted news reports of more than 90 episodes of hate, mainly involving high schools, from 30 states in October 2017 alone. The hate was targeted mainly at black people (64 incidents) through racial slurs and references to slavery; in two incidents nooses were hung as visual warnings. About 20 of the vitriolic assaults were anti-Semitic, usually delivered via a swastika scratched in a bathroom or painted on a school wall, but sometimes with Nazi salutes. In one case, a Post-it note on a locker threatened, “Jews will burn.” White supremacy, in the guise of KKK references or hostile displays of the Confederate flag (accompanied by racist messages), popped up in 15 of the stories. You can add in a sprinkling of anti-Muslim acts (2), the beating of a Sikh boy and several threats against LGBT students (4). Don’t expect it to add up neatly: Many of the demonstrations mixed the hate messages in a toxic cocktail. For example, a rap video produced and posted on social media by a student at an Alabama high school contains a raft of obscenities and targets gay people and African Americans. After rapping about LGBT kids and musing that “perhaps mass genocide is the only answer,” the video’s maker also suggests that Dr. King’s “only dream” should have been “picking cotton. kek: A stand-in for “lol” or “laugh out loud” borne from the video game World of Warcraft, in which typing “lol” to the Horde faction will result in this translation. Members of the alt-right will sometimes joke that they belong to a religion called Kek or the Cult of Kek. Before you do the math and think that this is, in the grand scheme of things, a small number, keep in mind that it’s not the entire picture. Teaching Tolerance uses Google alerts designed to search for news stories with specific words, like school, swastika, KKK or the n-word. If the story doesn’t contain the right combination of words, it doesn’t get captured. More important, if the story never makes it to the media, we never see it. Prior experience tells us that most of these incidents are cleaned up and taken care of at school and never find their way into the light. Because they take place on social media or in public places, like football stadiums, many of the stories do emerge. In nearly 30 instances we tracked, the racist messages appeared on Snapchat, Instagram, Twitter and other social media platforms. Like the video from Alabama, these posts raced around their communities. They included the photo of Pennsylvania high school students beaming behind their pumpkins carved with “KKK.” Or the Utah high school girls, all white, some cheerleaders, chanting “f*k n-word” in a video. In Virginia, a group of boys posted images of themselves in homemade Klan costumes and making Nazi salutes. The white members of a football team, also in Virginia, thought it would be fun to video themselves holding down black members of the team, while simulating sexual acts and shouting racial slurs. Football — and homecoming season
— provides fertile ground for hate. Sometimes, the
perpetrators aren’t students. In Louisiana, a black
student-athlete took a knee on the field during the anthem;
the referee called him the n-word. When a coach realized
that a player on the opposing team lived with his two
lesbian mothers, he instructed his team to taunt the player
on the field with “Where’s your daddy?” The
coach has been fired. In Maryland, a student wearing a
T-shirt featuring both Trump and the Confederate flag
harassed black students while other fans chanted obscenities
at the opposing teams’ fans. In New Hampshire, students
held up the “flag” of Kekistan, an
“alt-right” symbol, during a pep rally. In
Pennsylvania, middle school students hurled racial slurs at
the opposing team’s cheerleaders and, later, joined
adults in throwing stones at their bus. Of course, students who perpetrate these acts shouldn’t have their names released to the media. And, unless someone has been harmed or school safety is in danger, the incidents should be handled within the larger school community — including families — rather than being referred to the justice system, as administrators did in about a dozen cases. No one envies the school leaders faced with responding to these events. On one hand, families of those targeted demand strong measures, running from expulsion to arrest. Others will minimize or even defend the behavior, like the California mom who excused her son’s Confederate flag T-shirt, one that other students objected to, by saying, “Everyone learns history differently.” In another Confederate flag case, the superintendent characterized it as an “ill-considered decision” that was an “unfortunate disruption.” Some leaders try to strike a balance. In Iowa, another black football player who took a knee was targeted on Snapchat. Alongside his photo was a comment from a classmate, “Kick this f*king n-word off the football team like honestly who the f*k kneels for the national anthem.” The superintendent denounced the post but diluted his outrage by upholding the First Amendment rights of students in the same statement. Worse is when school leaders wash their hands of a situation because it is out of their legal jurisdiction. It’s true that students have First Amendment rights and that schools are not able to punish them for what they do and say on social media. Technically, the Alabama official faced with the “horrible” video was telling the truth when he said that it took place off campus and that school leaders “can’t do anything.” But he’s looking at the situation through one lens only, a punitive one. Leaders can do something. An entire group has been targeted and is harmed. Every student who attends the school feels tarred. Administrators have a moral authority to denounce the hate in clear terms and do something to make sure the school is, truly, welcoming. They can take a page from Wilton, Connecticut, superintendent Kevin Smith, who responded to swastikas and the “Jews will burn” Post-it by calling the incident reprehensible and adding, “We need to acknowledge the pain and suffering it has caused.” October’s news brought stories of many principals and superintendents — about 30 altogether — who were transparent with students, families and other members of the school community. Often, they followed the advice we laid out in Responding to Hate and Bias at School:
Many of them devoted classroom time to discussions, connected with local groups like the NAACP or the Anti-Defamation League, and rolled up their sleeves for the work ahead. That still leaves two-thirds whose
response simply doesn’t measure up. We need to change
that story. [Teaching about race, racism and police violence: Resources for educators and parents] Source: bit.ly/2iPMZbJ
Hate speech is
a term for speech intended to offend[citation
needed] a person or group of people based on their race,
gender, age, ethnicity, nationality, religion, sexual
orientation, gender identity, disability, language ability,
ideology, social class, occupation, appearance (height,
weight, skin color, etc.), mental capacity, and any other
distinction that might be considered by some as a liability.
The term covers written as well as oral communication and
some forms of behaviors in a public setting[citation
needed]. It is also sometimes called
antilocution[citation needed] and is the first point
on Allport's scale which measures prejudice in a society.
Critics have claimed that the term "Hate Speech" is a modern
example of Newspeak, used to silence critics of social
policies that have been poorly implemented in a rush to
appear politically correct.
[1][2][3]. Ann A white woman to a black person — or a black woman who acts too much like a white one. While Miss Ann, also just plain Ann, is a derisive reference to the white woman, by extension it is applied to any black woman who puts on airs and tries to act like Miss Ann.[1] Ape (U.S.) a black person.[2] Aunt Jemima / Aunt Jane / Aunt Mary / Aunt Sally / Aunt Thomasina - (U.S. Blacks) a black woman who "kisses up" to whites, a "sellout," female counterpart of Uncle Tom.[3] Taken from the popular syrup of the same name, where "Aunt Jemima" is represented as a black woman. Buffie a black person.[4] Colored (U.S.) a Black person. Now typically considered disrespectful, this word was more acceptable in the past. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, for example, continues to use its full name unapologetically. Some black Americans have reclaimed this word and softened it in the expression "a person of color." Coloured (South Africa) a community of mixed origin, including Khoikhoi and Asian slaves, not derogatory but the normal term for this community (UK Commonwealth) a black person (while not usually intended to be offensive, the term is not regarded as acceptable by many black people)[5] Coon (U.S. & U.K) a black person. Possibly from Portuguese barracoos, a building constructed to hold slaves for sale. (1837).[6] Crow a black person,[7] spec. a black woman. Gable a black person.[4] Golliwogg (UK Commonwealth) a dark-skinned person, after Florence Kate Upton's children's book character [8] Jigaboo, jiggabo, jijjiboo, zigabo, jig, jigg, jiggy, jigga (U.S. & UK) a black person (JB) with stereotypical black features (dark skin, wide nose, etc.).[9] Used to refer to mannerisms that resemble dancing. Jim Crow (U.S.) a black person; also the name for the segregation laws prevalent in much of the United States until the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.[10] Jim Fish (South Africa) a black person[11] Jungle Bunny (U.S.) a black person. Jungle is referred to their jungle origins and bunny is referred to some people saying that jack rabbits looked like 'lynched' black people.[citation needed] Kaffir, kaffer, kaffir, kafir, kaffre (South Africa) a. a black person. Very offensive. See also Kaffir (Historical usage in southern Africa) Macaca Epithet used to describe a Negro (originally) or a person of North-African origin (more recently). Came to public attention in 2006 when U.S. Senator George Allen infamously used it to refer to one of Jim Webb's volunteers, S. R. Sidarth, when he said, "This fellow here, over here with the yellow shirt, macaca, or whatever his name is." [12] Mammy Domestic servant of African descent, generally good-natured, often overweight, and loud.[13] Monkey (UK) a black person.[14] Mosshead a black person.[4] Munt (among whites in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Zambia) a black person from muntu, the singular of Bantu[15] Mustard seed (U.S.) a light-skinned person with one white and one black parent[16] Nig-nog or Nig Jig (UK & U.S.) a black person.[17] Nigger / nigra / nigga / niggah / nigguh / nigglet (U.S., UK) An offensive term for a black person. From the word negro which means the color black in numerous languages. Diminutive appellations include "Nigg" and "Nigz." Over time, the terms "Nigga" and "Niggaz" (plural) have come to be frequently used between some African-Americans without the negative associations of "Nigger." Nigra / negra / niggra / nigrah / nigruh (U.S.) offensive for a black person [first used in the early 1900s][18] Pickaninny a term – generally considered derogatory – that in English usage refers to black children, or a caricature of them which is widely considered racist. Porch monkey a black person,[19] Powder burn a black person.[4] Quashie a black person.[4] Sambo (U.S.) a derogatory term for an African American, Black, or sometimes a South Asian person.[13][20] Smoked Irish / smoked Irishman (U.S.) 19th century term for Blacks (intended to insult both Blacks and Irish).[4] Sooty a black person [originated in the U.S. in the 1950s][21] Spade A black person.[22] recorded since 1928 (OED), from the playing cards suit. Tar baby (UK; U.S.; and N.Z.) a black child.[23] See Tar baby. Teapot (British) a black person. [1800s][24] Thicklips a black person.[4] Uncle Tom (U.S. minorities) term for an African-American, Latino, or Asian who panders to white people; a "sellout" (from the title character of Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin.) Charlie (U.S.) A term used by American troops during the Vietnam War as a short-hand term for communist guerrillas: it was shortened from "Victor Charlie," the radio code designation for Viet Cong, or VC.[25] Chee-chee a Eurasian half-caste [probably from Hindi chi-chi fie!, literally, dirt][26] Chinaman (U.S. and English) Chinese person, used in old American west when discrimination against Chinese was common.[27] Possibly coined by early Chinese Americans from a translation of "Zhong Guo Ren" which is literally "China" and "Person." Compare to "Frenchman" or "Irishman," generally not considered insulting. The term generates controversy when still used in geographic places associated or resembling Chinese, and often used without intended malice outside of the U.S. Though it is still heard in the lyrics to the 1970s song "Kung Fu Fighting," it tends to generates objections in modern times, especially in the U.S. In 20th century Chicago politics, "Chinaman" had a specific, non-insulting meaning. A junior politician or government worker's political patron was their "Chinaman" (or "chinaman" without the initial capital) regardless of their actual ethnic heritage or gender.[28] "Chinaman", without the initial capital, is also regularly used in cricket in a non-ethnic sense to refer to a left-handed bowler who uses a wrist spin action. Chink (U.S.) used to refer to people of perceived Chinese descent. Describes their eye slits or chinks. Considered extremely derogatory, although at least one U.S. school proudly used the term as a sports mascot until the 1980s.[29] Jap (Predominantly U.S.) Shortened from the word "Japanese", used derogatorily towards the group. Gook a derogatory term for Asians, used especially for enemy soldiers.[30] Its use as an ethnic slur has been traced to U.S. Marines serving in the Philippines in the early 20th century.[30] The earliest recorded use is dated 1920.[31] Widely popularized by the Vietnam War (1965-73). Oriental (Predominantly U.S., used elsewhere) Originally the correct way to refer to an Asian person's ethnicity (In the same way "Negro" came to be a derogatory term for black people), but eventually turned into another derogatory term, as most names associated with a group of people get turned into negative terms when used by individuals that hate the directed group. Nip A Japanese person. From "Nippon", first used in World War II American-Born Confused Desi, or ABCD (East Indians in U.S.): used for American-born South Asians including Indian/ Pakistani/ Bangladeshi (mainly Indians as Indians are the largest number of "South Asians") who are confused about their cultural identity. This is often used humorously without any derogatory meaning. Paki (UK) A person of south Asian descent. A shortened form of "Pakistani". Afro-Saxon (North America) A young white male devotee of black pop culture.[32] Ann A white woman to a black person — or a black woman who acts too much like a white one. While Miss Ann, also just plain Ann, is a derisive reference to the white woman, by extension it is applied to any black woman who puts on airs and tries to act like Miss Ann.[33] Bule (Indonesia) White people. Literally: albino, but used in the same way that 'colored' might be used to refer to a black person to mean any white person.[34] Charlie Mildly derogatory term used by African Americans, mainly in the 1960s and 1970s, to refer to a white person (from James Baldwin's novel, Blues For Mr. Charlie). Coonass or coon-ass (U.S.) a Cajun; may be derived from the French conasse. May be used among Cajuns themselves. Not considered to be derogatory in most circumstances. Cracker (U.S.) Derogatory term for whites, particularly from the American South.[35] May be used by whites themselves in a non-offensive manner. Gringo (The Americas) Non-Hispanic U.S. national. Hence Gringolandia, the United States; not always a pejorative term, unless used with intent to offend.[36] Gubba (AUS) Aboriginal (Koori) term for white people[37] — derived from Governor / Gubbanah Gweilo, gwailo, or kwai lo (??) (Hong Kong and South China) A White man. Gwei means "ghost." The color white is associated with ghosts in China. A lo is a regular guy (i.e. a fellow, a chap, or a bloke).[38] Once a mark of xenophobia, the word was promoted by Maoists and is now in general, informal use.[39] Honky (U.S.) Offensive term for a white person. Haole (Hawaii) Usually not offensive, can be derogatory if intended to offend. Used by native Hawaiians to refer in modern times to anyone of caucasian descent whether native born or not. Use has spread to many other islands of the Pacific and is known in modern pop culture.[40] Mangia cake (Canada) A derogatory term used by Italians to disdainfully describe those of Anglo-Saxon descent (from Italian, literally 'cake eater').[41] Ofay A white person[42] Peckerwood (U.S.) a white person (southerner). The term "Peckerwood," an inversion of "Woodpecker," is used as a pejorative term. This word was coined in the 19th century by Southern blacks to describe poor whites. They considered them loud and troublesome like the bird, and often with red hair like the woodpecker's head plumes.[43] Roundeye (English speaking Asians) a white or non-Asian person.[44] Wigger, Wegro is a slang term for a white person who allophilically emulates mannerisms, slangs and fashions stereotypically associated with urban African Americans; especially in relation to hip hop culture. Americans Yank From the term "Yankee" used for people from New England,[45] often interrelated as slang, used within the UK. Italians Dago (U.S.) A person of Italian descent. Jews Heeb, Hebe (U.S.) offensive term for a Jewish person, derived from the word "Hebrew".[50][51] This is a list of nouns, used for name-calling in the English language, whose etymology goes back to the name of some, often historical or archaic, ethnic or religious group, but whose current meaning has lost that connotation and does not imply any actual ethnicity or religion. Several of these terms are derogatory or insulting. The entries on this list should not be confused with "ethnic slurs" referring to a person's actual ethnicity, which have a separate list. Apache a Parisian gangster or thug (from the collective name Apache for several nations of Native Americans)[1] Bohemian a person with an unconventional artistic lifestyle (originally meaning an inhabitant of Bohemia; the secondary meaning may derive from an erroneous idea that the Roma people originate from Bohemia)[2] Not used as an insult in most circumstances. Bugger Synonymous with sodomite. From Middle English bougre, heretic, from Anglo-French bugre, from Medieval Latin Bulgarus, literally, Bulgarian; (from the association of Bulgaria with the Bogomils, who were accused of sodomy).[3] Cannibal used descriptively for any human consuming human flesh (originally meaning Carib, erroneously thought to be cannibals)[4] Cohee (U.S.) originally (mid-18th century) -- a Scots-Irish settler into the Virginia Piedmont; later (late 18th century) -- a term for backwoodsman; hick, or most severely "poor white trash", especially on the frontier or in the Appalachian area; still later (post Civil War) -- a self-referential indicating an independent backwoods small farmer in the Virginia/Carolina/Tennessee/Kentucky area.[5][6] Cretin a person of severely diminished mental capabilities (possibly from Alpine French dialect, originally meaning Christian)[7] Goth a crude person, lacking culture or refinement; a somewhat obsolete term, in this sense not in reference to the Goth subculture (from the East Germanic tribe that sacked Rome in 410)[8] Gringo a foreigner; especially used disparagingly against North Americans and North Europeans in Latin America. (from the Spanish word "griego", meaning Greek or possibly as a contraction of "green coat", representing the 19th century uniform of the US Army. In Roman days, foreigners were usually divided into Greeks and Barbarians. The use of the term Greek for something foreign or unintelligible can also be seen in the expression "it's Greek to me".)[9] Gyp a swindler; a racehorse owner; in Britain also a male servant at a college — from Gypsy, which in turn is derived from Egyptian) [2] [3] Hun barbarous or destructive person; was also in used in World War I as an ethnic slur for the Germans (from the confederation of Eurasian tribes that first appeared in Europe in the 4th century, leading to mass migrations of Germanic tribes westward, and established an empire extending into Europe in the 5th century, partially financed by the plundering of wealthy Roman cities)[10] To Jew recorded by Webster's Dictionary since at least 19th century in the meanings to cheat, to defraud, to swindle [11] Philistine a person who does not care about artistic and cultural values (from a people that inhabited Canaan when, according to the biblical account, the Israelites arrived)[12] Pygmy a person of diminished stature (possibly in reference to certain hunter-gatherer peoples, such as the Mbuti of Central Africa, sometimes grouped together under the term Pygmies, but that designation actually stems from the original meaning of pygmy as an unusually small person)[13] Tartar a violently ferocious person, a rather obsolete term (from the Turkic nomadic tribe of Tatars that invaded Europe in the 13th century, later generalized to any Mongolian or Turkic invaders of Europe)[14] Thug a gangster or ruffian ready to use excessive violence (from the religious Indian Thuggee cult, alleged to practice robbery and murder by strangulation)[15] Vandal a person who willfully and maliciously destroys property (from the East Germanic tribe that sacked Rome in 455).[16] The term is also the athletic nickname of the University of Idaho, presumably referring to the tribe. Arkansawyer A person from Arkansas. .[1] Arkie/Arky (U.S.) A person from Arkansas.[2] Banana bender (Australia) A person from Queensland (one who puts the bend in bananas).[3] Boricua (Latin America, Hispanics in the USA) A person from Puerto Rico.[citation needed] Bluenose (Canada) A person from Nova Scotia; from the famous racing schooner Bluenose, or a potato with a blue protuberance, or 17th century Scots Presbyterians described as "true blue". Often used proudly. [4] Bonacker (U.S.) A working class person from the Springs neighborhood of East Hampton, New York; from neighboring Accabonac Harbor. [5] Brummie (UK) A person from Birmingham; also the dialect spoken there; from "Brummagem", an archaic pronunciation of Birmingham. [6] Buckeye A person from Ohio. [7] Canuck A person from Canada. [8] Carioca (Brazil) A person from the city of Rio de Janeiro. Catracho (Central America) A person from Honduras. [9] Cheesehead (U.S.) A person from Wisconsin, from the many dairy farms and cheese factories there. Also extended to fans of the state's National Football League team, the Green Bay Packers. This term is widely used by people from Illinois, a bordering state and frequent sports rival, although many Wisconsin sports fans embrace this name by donning large triangular blocks of cheese on their head during sporting events.[10] Chilango, defeño, capitalino (Mexico) A person from Mexico City. Residents of the city widely use Chilango to refer to themselves, but consider the term's use by anyone else to be derogatory. Defeño may be used in either a positive or negative sense. Capitalino is generally accepted as a neutral demonym, although it can also be used negatively. [11] Cockney (Britain) A person from East London. Geographically and culturally, it often refers to working class Londoners, particularly those in the East End. Linguistically, it refers to the form of English spoken by this group but the term can be used to describe anyone from London, particularly from non-Londoners Cohee (U.S.) An independent Scots-Irish small farmer from the Piedmont or Appalachian Mountains parts of Virginia.[citation needed] Croweater (Australia) A person from the state of South Australia. Culchie (Ireland) Any Irish person who was raised outside of Dublin Foolio (U.S.) A person from the state of Minnesota. [12] Gaúcho (Brazil) A person from Rio Grande do Sul. For usage in the rest of South America, see "Terms for people from non-specific geographical areas" below. Geordie (UK) A person from Newcastle upon Tyne, and also the dialect spoken there. Inoffensive. Hoosier (U.S.) A person from Indiana; also the nickname of the athletic teams at Indiana University (Bloomington), and frequently used as an adjective for students or fans of that school. Jackeen (Ireland) In rural Ireland, a person from Dublin; possible a reference to the term Jacobite. Derogatory.[13] JAFA, jafa (New Zealand) A person from Auckland, from Just Another Fucking Aucklander (or, more politely, Just Another Friendly Aucklander). Janner (Plymouth: UK) A person from Plymouth. Jarocho (Mexico) A person from Veracruz, either the city or the state. Mackem (UK) A person from Sunderland. Also spelled "Makem", "Maccam", and "Mak'em". Rarely used, except by themselves and their neighbouring Geordies. Most English people can't distinguish the two. Mallu (India) A person from the state of Kerala, whose language is Malayalam Manc (UK) A person from Manchester. Not considered particularly offensive. Monkey hanger (UK) A person from Hartlepool. May be considered offensive, but also used with pride by the inhabitants themselves. Moonrakers Natives of the county of Wiltshire. Not considered offensive. Newfie, Newfier, Newf (Canada) A person from Newfoundland. May be used proudly. Derogatory if used by others. Nutmegger (U.S.) A person from Connecticut. Okie (U.S.) A person from Oklahoma. Orgie - (U.S.) A person from Oregon, particularly rural Oregon Ossi (anglicized as "Ostie") refers to a person from the former German Democratic Republic, and implies a lack of sophistication, assets, or both. Pikey (Ireland) A person from Southern/Mainland Ireland. Originally a statement for English travellers, now used disparagingly for almost any group or individual seen as untrustworthy. Highly offensive. Poblano (Mexico) A person from Puebla, either the city or the state. Polentone (Southern Italy) A person from northern Italy; from "polenta eater". Porteño (Argentina) A person from Buenos Aires. Regio (Mexico) See "Regiomontano" below. Regiomontano (Mexico) A person from the northern city of Monterrey. Serrano (Portugal) A person from the the mountainous region of Serra da Estrela. Scouser (UK) A person from Liverpool. Not considered particularly offensive. [http://www.jokefile.co.uk/odds/liverpool.html Sooner (U.S.) A person from Oklahoma; from settlers who slipped into the territory to stake claims "sooner" than the permitted date. Spud Islander (Canada) A person from Prince Edward Island; from the potatoes or "spuds" grown there.[14] Taffy (UK) A Welshman, specifically from the Cardiff region. From the River Taff.[15] Tar Heel (U.S.) a person from North Carolina; also the nickname of the athletic teams at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and frequently used as an adjective for students or fans of that school Taswegian, Tassie (Australia) A person from Tasmania.[16] Tapatío (Mexico) A person from Guadalajara, Jalisco. Terrone (Italy) A person from southern Italy. Formed from "terra" (earth), the term is meant to invoke the ignorance and lack of "class" implied by American English terms like "yokel," "hayseed," "hillbilly," etc. Tico (Central America) A person from Costa Rica. Troll (US) A mildly deurogatory term used by residents of Michigan's Upper Peninsula to describe residents of Michigan's Lower Peninsula with the idea of Trolls living "under the bridge" (or south of the Mackinac Bridge). Tuckahoe (U.S.) A person of the wealthy slaveholding class from the Tidewater region of Virginia. Tyke (UK) A native of Yorkshire. Not considered offensive. Woollyback (UK) Generally used by scousers to indicate someone from near to Liverpool, but indicating a certain rustic simplicity, or at least not having Liverpool's glamorous sophistication. Slightly offensive. Yat (U.S.) A person from New Orleans, from the phrase "Where y'at?" ("How are you?" or "What's up?") Yellowbelly (Copthorne) Yellowbelly (Lincolnshire) (UK) A person from the county of Lincolnshire. Not considered offensive and of debated etymology. Yinzer (U.S.) A person from Pittsburgh, from the use of terms like yinz, stillers, dawntawn. Yooper (U.S.) A person from the Upper Peninsula of Michigan (the "U.P."). Nicknames for people from rural, remote, etc. areas often bear a derogatory implication of unsophisticated, undereducated people, simpletons. Cohee (U.S.) originally (mid-18th century) -- a Scots-Irish settler into the Virginia Piedmont; later (late 18th century) -- a term for "poor white trash"; still later (early 19th century) -- a term indicating independent small farmer in the Virginia/Carolina/Tennessee/Kentucky area. Culchie (Northern Ireland & Republic of Ireland) someone from rural Ireland. Not particularly offensive. Flatlander A person from a flat plains area, to residents of adjacent hill and mountain areas. Gaucho (South America) A rural person from South American grasslands. (For Brazilian usage, see "Terms based on specific locations".) Goober (U.S.) a rural person with a "glorious lack of sophistication" (from the slang term for "peanut") Guajiro (Cuba) a rural person from Cuba. Hillbilly (U.S.) a rural white person, esp. one from Appalachia or the Ozarks. Hoosier (St. Louis area of Missouri and Illinois) a lower class, uneducated white person. Anywhere else, a non-offensive term for a native of Indiana. Redneck (U.S.) a rural white person, typically of Scots-Irish descent. There are varying possible etymologies for this term. Primarily used to denote lower-class rural whites. Swamp Yankee (U.S.:New England) refers to rural white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant farmers in New England, particularly in Rhode Island and western Connecticut.[17] Teuchter (Scotland) a person from rural parts of Scotland, for example the Gàidhealtachd, Northern Scotland, Galloway and the Borders. Westie/Westy (Aus/NZ) A person from the western suburbs of Auckland or Sydney, the slur implying lower class Yokel (UK, US & Canada) an unrefined white person, implicitly rural and "hick" (not necessarily "white trash" but inclusive of same).[18] The list of religious slurs enumerates pejorative terms for people based on their religion. Bible thumper (U.S.) derogatory term used to describe a Protestant, particularly one from a Pentecostal or fundamentalist denomination who believes in the fundamentalist authority of the Bible, also commonly used universally against Christians who are perceived to go out of their way to force their faith upon others.[citation needed] Bible basher (UK, Australia & New Zealand) derogatory term used to describe a Protestant, particularly one from a Pentecostal or fundamentalist denomination who believes in the fundamentalist authority of the Bible, also commonly used universally against Christians who are perceived to go out of their way to force their faith upon others..[citation needed] Bluenose (Scotland) - derogatory term for a Protestant, from the colour of the team strips of Rangers , a traditionally Protestant club of the Scottish Premier League. Campbellite Potentially derogatory term for an individual in any part of the Restoration Movement associated with Thomas and Alexander Campbell Clam derogatory term for a Scientologist.[citation needed] Fundie, fundy (US and some other English-speaking countries) religious fundamentalist, particularly Christian fundamentalists.[citation needed] Fenian (UK) Derogatory term for a Roman Catholic. Happy Clapper (AUS) derogatory term similar to Bible Basher, used to describe a Protestant, particularly one from a Pentecostal or fundamentalist denomination who believes in the fundamentalist authority of the Bible, and the manner in which they clap, sing and celebrate during their mass[citation needed] Holy Roller (US) ritualistic Protestants prone to shaking (Shakers), rolling on the floor, suffering from fits or "speaking in tongues" (Pentecostals during worship or prayer). The term holy roller, however, is applied to some Evangelical Protestants, especially charismatics, if they are vocal about their own religious views or critical of individuals who do not meet their moral standards. Similar to Bible Thumper. An example is Aunt Esther in the television sitcom Sanford & Son.[1] Irvingite a member of the Catholic Apostolic Church — often taken to be offensive [Edward Irving died 1834 Scottish clergyman + -ite][2] May also refer to members of the Old Apostolic Church and New Apostolic Church. JAP Jewish American Princess Jack Mormon (Western U.S.) a. a non-faithful LDS person, b. a non-Mormon.[3] Jesus freak (U.S.) A member of some Christian movements Kike A Jewish person. Left-footer (Northern Ireland) (West of Scotland) Catholic (Northern Ireland)[4] (Lancashire) Used by Protestants to describe Catholics or a supporter of Celtic F.C.. From the myth in Glasgow that Irish Catholic labourers pushed spades into the ground their left foot and kicked footballs with the left foot. Mackerel Snapper or Mackeral Snapper, is a sectarian slur for Roman Catholics, originating in the U.S. in the 1850s and referring to the pre-Vatican II custom of Friday abstinence.[5] The Friday abstinence from meat (red meat and poultry) distinguished Catholics from other Christians, especially in North America, where Protestant churches prevailed and Catholics tended to be poor immigrants from Italy and Ireland. Marrano (Spain) a Jewish convert to Christianity, usually for social and not spiritual reasons; derives from the Inquisition; today, can be used to describe a Jew who marries a Catholic. Can also be called a Converso. (It is also a Latin American Spanish slang synonym for "dirty pig" or swine.)[6] Molly Mormon The opposite of a Jack Mormon; a female Mormon who is strict and rigorously follows the Church's rules, even more so than average Mormons. Also, a Mormon from Utah.[citation needed] Mussie or Muzzie a frequently offensive term for a Muslim [7] Orangie (Ireland/UK) a derogatory term for pro-British Ulster Protestants. [referring to supporters of the Orange Order][8] Papist (Northern Ireland and Scottish Protestants) a Roman Catholic person — usually Irish Catholic. Used in the movie Mississippi Burning.[9] Prod, proddy dog (AUS Catholics (particularly school kids)) term for Protestants, particularly rival kids from Protestant schools. "Proddywhoddy" and "proddywoddy" are used in children's school rhymes in Cork.[10] Russellite one of the Jehovah's Witnesses (Charles Taze Russell died 1916 American religious leader + -ite)[11] Soup-taker (Ireland) A person who has sold out their beliefs, referring to the Irish Potato famine when some Catholics converted to a Protestant faith in order to gain access to a free meal. [12] Taig a. (Northern Ireland Protestants) a Catholic, from Tadhg, Irish for Timothy. Comparable to "nigger". b. (England) obsolete: an Irishman.[13] Towel Head , Towelhead
Derogatory term applied to a person part of a religion that
wears cloth head coverings (Muslim, Sikh etc.).
[14] Active
'Patriot' (Organized Hate) Groups in Oregon in 2013 OREGON (17)
Source: www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/active_patriot_groups.pdf
Oregon
Hate Groups As of
061720 Name/Location Type Active 'Patriot' (Organized
Hate) Groups in Oregon American Front -
Statewide American
Freedom Party -
Statewide American Identity Movement -
Statewide Aryan Terror Brigade Asatru Folk Assembly
Neo-Volkisch - Statewide Neo-Volkisch Black Riders Liberation Party -
Portland Constitution Party
Hubbard Council
of Conservative Citizens
- Statewide Crew 38 - Statewide Eagle Forum Statewide Embassy of Heaven
Stayton Free America Rally - Prineville
Get Out Of Our House (GOOOH)
Statewide Hell Shaki ng Street Peachers -
Tillamook General Hate Israelite Church of God in Jesus
Christ - Beaverton Israelite Church of God in Jesus
Christ - Portland McCutcheons Ink. Central
Point National Prayer Network -
Clackamas News With Views
Merlin Northwest Hammerskins -
Statewide Oath Keepers
Statewide Oregonians for Immigration
Reform - Salem Anit-Immigrant Pacific Coast Knights of the Ku
Klux Klan - Statewide Statewide Pacifica Forum - Pacific Justice Institute -
Salem Anti LGBTQ Paper Advantage
Portland Patriot Front -
Statewide Proud Boys - Eugene, Portland,
Salem General Hate Rense Radio Network -
Ashland General Hate Republic for the United States
of America Harrisburg, Talent Republic for the United States
of America – Republic Congress
Statewide Tenth Amendment Center
Statewide The Voice of Freedom Klamath
Falls We the People Grants Pass,
Junction Ciity Statewide hate groups in Oregon
not displayed on the map Tiotal Source: Groups: American Freedom Party: Founded: 2009; Las Vegas, Nevada. Profiled Leadership: Kevin MacDonald, William Daniel Johnson; White Nationalist; http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-files/groups/american-freedom-party Council of Conservative Citizens: Founded: 1985, St. Louis, MO; Profiled Leadership: Gordon Baum; White Nationalist; http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-files/groups/council-of-conservative-citizens National Socialist Movement; Founded: 1994; Location: Detroit, Mich.; Profiled Leadership: Jeff Schoep; Ideology: Neo-Nazi Types: White Nationalist - http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-files/ideology/white-nationalist Racist Skinhead - http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-files/ideology/racist-skinhead Black Separatist - http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-files/ideology/black-separatist Neo-Nazi - http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-files/ideology/neo-nazi Individuals: Tom McKirgan - http://www.blogtalkradio.com/sfpiradio/2013/06/06/inside-the-oathkeepers-with-tom-mckirgan Inside the
Oathkeepers with Tom McKirgan - SFPI Radio We talked about the Oath Keepers mission, the projects it is engaged in and why it is important for all Americans to understand that our police, military and elected officials take oaths to preserve and protect the consitution and the people of the United States, not the government. Until we come together to end the corruption of government by corporate money, we will not have a government of, by and for the People. When we do, we will have nothing to fear from it and we can decide through the democratic process how best to run it. Until then, we may need to be able to count on Oath Keepers. This show was rebroadcast on June 8 at 9 AM PST/ 12 PM EST on the Star Com Radio network. Take Back America for the People is an educational nonprofit whose mission is to educate the American public on true costs of corporate control of the US government. Know the truth and the truth will set
us free. Oath Keepers
Encounter Resistance from Feds in Ferguson by The Linc
Austin Show Live in Politics 3 months ago
Free State
Happy Hour - Ferguson Police, NFL Free Agency, USPS Workers,
SAE by Free State Radio in News 1 week ago
P.A.N.D.A. - The
news ugly show with jim stallings jr by the news ugly show
in News last Friday
Ferguson,
Ferguson, & More Ferguson... by Renegade
Broadcasting in Politics 6 months ago
AFP---Monthly
Meeting w/Tom McKirgan at the ESD Building 12/13/2012
5:30 pm – 8:30 pm
The Meeting Starts at 6:00 pm. Former Sheriff Deputy Tom McKirgan will be discussing Agenda 21. This is the meeting for anyone who is concerned with the increasing central planning of the feds. Tom will be focusing on a county ordinance nullifing Agenda 21 in Coos County. Big Daddy Noorlander's famous BBQ will
be there for the Christmas-themed gala on a night that
guest,Tom McKirgan will speak to us on the Oath Keepers.
oathkeepers.org
Tom McKirgan, a retired senior police officer, is a member and representative of Oath Keepers, a non-partisan association of current and formerly serving military, reserves, National Guard, veterans, Peace Officers, and Fire Fighters who will fulfill the Oath we swore, with the support of like minded citizens who take an Oath to stand with us, to support and defend the Constitution against all enemies, foreign and domestic, so help us God. Tom began his law enforcement career in 1980, retiring in 1997. Tom is a graduate of two police academies. He holds a basic certificate from the Alaska Police Academy and an intermediate certificate from the Oregon Police Academy including instructor certification. In addition, he's a graduate from the Centurion K-9 training academy in Missouri. He was the training officer and assistant commander of the Brookings Police Reserve division; instrumental in transforming it into a model reserve program. His experience also includes low to high level security and private investigations. His expertise is in patrol procedures, defensive tactics, civil and criminal investigations. He's been a guest speaker for many organizations on crime prevention. He is the author of the manual titled "How To Fight a Traffic Ticket." -- A guide for individuals cited for motor vehicle infractions; starting from the initial traffic stop through the court process and procedures, to aid in one's defense, with an emphasis for respect and understanding of law enforcement officials duties, acts and good public relations. Hope to see everyone there and have a Happy Thanksgiving, Rick Hoffine Ten Days
After: Harassment and Intimidation in the Aftermath of the
Election “This kind of attack happened in the 1950s and 1960s,” Greenville’s mayor said, “but it shouldn’t happen in 2016.” The incident was just a harbinger of what has become a national outbreak of hate, as white supremacists celebrate Donald Trump’s victory.* In the ten days following the election, there were almost 900 reports of harassment and intimidation from across the nation. Many harassers invoked Trump’s name during assaults, making it clear that the outbreak of hate stemmed in large part from his electoral success. People have experienced harassment at school, at work, at home, on the street, in public transportation, in their cars, in grocery stores and other places of business, and in their houses of worship. They most often have received messages of hate and intolerance through graffiti and verbal harassment, although a small number also have reported violent physical interactions. Some incidents were directed at the Trump campaign or his supporters. Of course, hate crimes and lower-level incidents of racial or ethnically charged harassment have long been common in the United States. But the targets of post-election hate incidents report that they are experiencing something quite new. “I have experienced discrimination in my life, but never in such a public and unashamed manner,” an Asian-American woman reported after a man told her to “go home” as she left an Oakland train station. Likewise, a black resident whose apartment was vandalized with the phrase “911 nigger” reported that he had “never witnessed anything like this.” A Los Angeles woman, who encountered a man who told her he was “Gonna beat [her] pussy,” stated that she was in this neighborhood “all the time and never experienced this type of language before.” Not far away in Sunnyvale, California, a transgender person reported being targeted with homophobic slurs at a bar where “I’ve been a regular customer for 3 years — never had any issues.” In his 60 Minutes interview that aired on November 13, President-elect Trump claimed that he was “surprised to hear” that some of his supporters had been using racial slurs and making threats against African Americans, Latinos, and gays. He shouldn’t have been. In his November 23 interview with The New York Times, Trump claimed he had no idea why white supremacists — the so-called “alt right” — had been “energized” by his campaign. Again, it’s no mystery. Both the harassment since the election and the energy on the radical right are the predictable results of the campaign that Trump waged for the presidency — a campaign marked by incendiary racial statements, the stoking of white racial resentment, and attacks on so-called “political correctness.” At this point, it is not enough for Trump to look in the camera and say “Stop it!” to the harassers, as he did on 60 Minutes. Nor is it enough for him to simply “disavow” the white supremacists who see him as their champion, as he did at the Times. If he is to make good on the first promise he made as the president-elect — his pledge to “bind the wounds of division” in our country — he must repair the damage that his campaign has caused. Rather than feign ignorance, he must acknowledge that his own words have opened “wounds of division” in our country. Rather than simply saying “Stop it!” and disavowing the radical right, he must speak out forcefully and repeatedly against all forms of bigotry and reach out to the communities his words have injured. And rather than merely saying that he “wants to bring the country together,” his actions must consistently demonstrate he is doing everything in his power to do so. Until president-elect Trump does these things, the hate that his campaign has unleashed is likely to continue to flourish. Data Collection The 867 hate incidents described here come from two sources — submissions to the #ReportHate page on the SPLC website and media accounts. Incidents were limited to real-world events; the count does not include instances of online harassment. We have excluded incidents that authorities have determined to be hoaxes; however, it was not possible to confirm the veracity of all reports. The incidents documented here almost certainly represent a small fraction of the actual number of election-related hate incidents that have occurred since November 8. The Bureau of Justice Statistics estimates that two-thirds of hate crimes go unreported to the police. The underreporting problem is surely more severe when it comes to hate incidents that may not rise to the level of criminal violations and that are being reported to a new, little-known repository established by a private organization. Summary of Data Hate incidents have been reported from every state except Hawaii, and North and South Dakota. As the hate incident location chart reflects, schools — K-12 settings and colleges — have been the most common venues for hate incidents, a result that is not surprising, given how prevalent bullying is in our nation’s schools and the characteristics of young people. A Washington state teacher reported that at her school: “Build a wall” was chanted in our cafeteria Wed [after the election] at lunch. “If you aren’t born here, pack your bags” was shouted in my own classroom. “Get out spic” was said in our halls. A mother from Colorado offered this story: My 12-year-old daughter is African American. A boy approached her and said, “Now that Trump is president, I’m going to shoot you and all the blacks I can find.” When an 18-year old service employee in Kalamazoo, Michigan, asked a man if he needed help, he replied, “I don’t need to ask you for shit. Donald Trump is president.” He then called her a “black bitch” and spat on her shoes. A cashier in Minnesota and a hostess in Illinois were both called “nigger” by their customers. People also have been harassed in their homes. Many have reported receiving threatening messages on their front lawns, slipped under their front doors, left on their porches, and taped onto their windshields. A Sudanese-American family in Iowa City, Iowa, for example, found a note attached to their door that read, “You can all go home now. We don’t want niggers and terrorists here. #trump.” A lesbian couple in Austin, Texas, came home to find “DYKE,” “Trump,” and a swastika spray-painted onto their door. One residence in Pittsburg, California, draped a banner proclaiming to neighbors: “You can hang a nigger from a tree equal rights he’ll never see.” The targets or motivation of the harassers are also illustrated. The figure includes reported hate incidents motivated by disdain for Trump. The category “Trump-General” refers to incidents in which harassers invoked Trump’s name but did not make their motivations clear. The “other” category refers to hate incidents motivated by bias against Asian Americans, Native Americans, or those with disabilities. Some incidents were difficult to categorize because they appeared to be motivated by multiple forms of hatred or bias. The number of reported incidents declined over the ten days following the election. The following sections of this report describe some of the incidents by each group targeted. Anti-Immigrant Following a campaign in which promises to build a wall between Mexico and the United States were frequently touted, anti-immigrant harassment was the most reported type received, frequently overlapping with over forms. Of the 867 hate incidents collected by the SPLC, 280, or 32%, were motivated by anti-immigrant sentiment. In Punta Gorda, Florida, an argument between a Hispanic family and a woman who nearly drove through a crosswalk escalated when she told them they “should all be deported.” In Dallas, an older white man walked by a Hispanic man and, unprovoked, yelled, “Go back to Mexico!” An onlooker noted that most people looked surprised, but no one said anything. Sadly, even children have been targeted by adult strangers in public places. On a beach in Hermosa, California, a 10-year-old boy was approached by a middle-aged white man who called him a “beaner” and told him to “get the fuck out” of the country. Latino residents have reported being harassed by their neighbors. In Tuscola County, Mich., a Latino family was shocked to find a wall of boxes scrawled with “Trump,” “Take America Back,” and “Mexicans suck.” Deportation threats have often been made during vitriolic face-to-face encounters. In Silver Spring, Maryland, a female shopper berated a Latino worker for not working fast enough. She demanded to know where he was from, and, despite the fact that he was born in the United States, she repeatedly yelled “This is my country,” while derisively referring to him as “El Salvador.” Asian-Americans were also among those targeted with anti-immigrant rhetoric and racial slurs. While a Chinese-American high school student was getting gas, a white man approached her to say, “Can’t wait for Trump to deport you or I will deport you myself, dyke yellow bitch.” On a sidewalk in San Antonio, Texas, a young man asked a girl waiting for the bus, “You’re Asian, right? When they see your eyes, you are going to be deported.” Undocumented immigrants often fear that reporting harassment and abuse will reveal their status, resulting in the likely underreporting of incidents. Many such incidents are reported only by friends, as was the case with a 12-year-old in Greenville, South Carolina, The middle schooler was surrounded by eight classmates who told her they “couldn’t wait to see her ugly face deported.” She fought them and is now facing a court date that her mother is terrified will result in the family’s deportation. A family friend reported the incident. Students and young people have absorbed divisive campaign rhetoric and are using it to taunt and harass their classmates, with chants of “Build the wall!” making their way into school cafeterias, hallways, and buses. In Colorado Springs, Colorado, 8th grade students told Latino students on the school bus, “Not only should Trump build a wall, but it should be electrocuted (sic) and Mexicans should have to wear shock collars.” In Redding, California, students brought “deportation letters” to school for their Latino classmates. Children’s anxieties about being deported are described by one mother’s report from Greenville, North Carolina. When her son asked, “Mom, am I going to be deported?" She told him, “No, why?” And he said, “Because almost every kid in school was telling me that I was going to be deported to Mexico. And I told them no, I was born a U.S. citizen. But they said, ‘Yes you are, ’cause you are Mexican — just look at your skin color.’” Even teachers, those charged with caring for and shaping our young people, have reportedly expressed anti-immigrant sentiments to their students. In Los Angeles, a teacher was recorded telling her student that her parents would be deported. She said, “I have your phone numbers, your address, your mama’s address, your daddy’s address; it’s all in the system, sweetie.” Black students, too, have received this type of harassment from adults they should be able to trust. Anti-immigration harassment hasn't been restricted to Latino students. In Wesley Chapel, Florida, a teacher scolded the behavior of black students by saying, “Don’t make me call Donald Trump to get you sent back to Africa.” In Indiana, a 7th grader demanded to know whether a classmate adopted from China was in fact Mexican, because, if so, “Trump is going to kill you.” A middle-school student in Coon Rapids, Minnesota, had her hijab forcefully removed, causing her to fall. A 13-year-old adopted from Mozambique was told by her classmates in California, “Now that Trump won, you’re going to have to go back to Africa — where you belong.” Anti-Black More than 180, or 23% of the documented incidents reflect anti-black sentiment. The vast majority of incidents targeting black people have consisted of racial slurs, whether in graffiti or face-to-face harassment. In Los Angeles, a five-feet by three-feet sign was propped next to a bus shelter reading, “NO NIGGERS.” In Arizona, a woman putting groceries in her trunk reported that two men in a pickup truck yelled “Trump forever, you half-nigger slut bitch!” as they drove past her. In many anti-black incidents, references to lynching has been common. “Noose Tying 101” was written on a whiteboard at San Francisco State University, and a black doll was found hanging from a noose in an elevator at New York’s Canisius College. A man in Kansas City, Missouri, reported that a noose and swastika were spray-painted onto his car, and a young woman in New York City received a text message from a high school classmate reading, “Fuck u nigger bitch. Die. Painfully from a tree….Or being dragged behind a pickup truck flying the confederate flag filled with dem good ol boys. Nigger scum. Cotton picker.” On the Las Vegas Strip, a white man punched two black men and attempted to assault a black woman. After the attack, he chanted “Donald Trump!” and “White Power!” White people have been threatened for bringing black friends past the boundaries of “white neighborhoods.” A man in Natick, Massachusetts received three letters warning that his community had “zero tolerance for black people.” “We have reclaimed our country back by selecting Trump,” one note read, “and you are now messing up everything.” The final letter warned, “We have just cleared the white house of niggers! Do not bring niggers in our neighborhood... We will kill them.” In Clarksburg, Virginia, a white woman married to a black man found a note attached to the family’s front door that read, “you’re worse than your nigger family because you should know better. Race trader (sic). Trump 2016.” In Brundidge, Alabama, an interracial couple found a gun target tacked to the front door of their restaurant with a pair of nooses hung on either side. A white couple with eleven adopted black children were the object of a letter that read, “You and yours need to stay separate — NOT EQUAL.” Other anti-black incidents have cited contemporary themes, like the vandalism of a building in Durham, North Carolina, with the phrase “Black Lives Don’t Matter (sic) and Neither Does Your Votes.” In Washington, D.C., a flier referencing Black Lives Matter read: “We are organizing a new movement to rid our neighborhood of niggers. No more Black Lives Matter! Kill them all.” African Americans have been frequently targeted with harassment featuring references of Trump and his campaign. A note left in the bathroom of an Iowa university read, “TRUMP 2016 Lets (sic) Run those Niggers and Illegals out of town.” In Nevada, a cashier reported a customer approaching the counter to ask her, “Why so sad? Now that Trump has won, you can all go back to Africa!” In San Diego, a driver yelled at a person crossing the street, “Fucking nigger, go back to Africa! The slave ship is loading up! TRUMP!” One woman reported that a man in a Trump hat approached her at a diner and laughed as he motioned to her biracial daughter, “You’re gonna have to send that one back now.” Anti-Muslim Hate incidents involving Muslims, or those perceived to be Muslim, were about 6% of the total collected by the SPLC. Muslim Americans are frequently characterized as terrorists. In Nashville, a white man in a truck hurled racial slurs at a woman wearing a hijab while she waited for the bus with her son. “Go back to your fucking country and take your terrorist son with you,” he said as he drove away. In El Cajon, California, a business received a typed note that read: “BE PREPARED TO GO BACK TO YOUR COUNTRY WITH ISIS…DONALD TRUMP WILL KICK ALL OF YOUR ASS BACK WHERE YOU CAME FROM.” At a hospital in Chicago, a woman reported that a man in the elevator looked at her and said, “Fuckin’ sand-nigger. Thank God Trump is now president. He’s gonna deport your terrorist ass.” Muslim women wearing hijabs have been particularly vulnerable to threats and assault. Women reported being grabbed by their hijab, including a San Jose State University student who was choked and fell when a man pulled her head scarf from behind in a parking garage. Anti-LGBT Since the election, LGBT people have experienced harassment by those who allege that the president-elect shares their anti-LGBT sentiments. In Brighton, Michigan, a woman was approached by two white men who told her, “Just so you know, we hate fucking dykes and so does our President.” In Russellville, Arkansas, a woman found a note written on a piece of trash taped to her door, which read, “Trump says get back in the closet, fags!” In Sarasota, Florida, a 75-year-old gay man was ripped from his car and beaten by an assailant who told him, “You know my new president says we can kill all you faggots now.” Harassment of LGBT individuals has been reported across the country, making up 11% of all reported incidents. People in Michigan, Colorado, Indiana, Texas, Washington, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Massachusetts all reported finding homophobic slurs spray-painted or carved onto their front doors, windows, mailboxes and porches. In North Canton, Ohio, a couple reported “DYKE” was scratched into the driver’s door and hood of their car within hours of the election, the first anti-LGBT harassment they’ve experienced in the four years they’ve lived in the neighborhood. Pride flags in Rochester, New York, were set on fire while still attached to people’s homes. A common refrain in anti-LGBT harassment is the threat of rescinding the constitutional protections of same-sex marriage. In Brighton, Iowa, a couple got this note under their windshield: “So father homo, how does it feel to have Trump as your president? At least he’s got a set of balls. They’ll put marriage back where God wants it and take your’s away. America’s gonna take care of your faggity ass.” In North Carolina, a couple received a similar note: “Can’t wait until your ‘marriage’ is overturned by a real president. Gay families = burn in hell. #Trump2016.” LGBT children have not escaped harassment in the wake of the election. In upstate New York, students wrote homophobic slurs and drew a swastika on a teen’s headphones while he was in class. In Cedar Falls, Iowa, a 16-year-old decided to drop out of school after a series of incidents in which schoolmates called her a fag and queer, and threatened to “grab her by the pussy.” The teenager came out four years ago and her parents said, “We never experienced anything like that. All of a sudden, the 9th (of November) hits, and she’s some kind of freak — she’s a target.” Churches that performed same-sex marriages or had banners advertising inclusivity have been targeted in the wake of the election, as in Beanblossom, Ind., where St. David’s Episcopal church was vandalized with a swastika and the phrases “Heil Trump” and “fag church.” In Mason City, Iowa, a sign outside First Congregational United Church of Christ, which reads: “We are a sanctuary for the least, lost, gay & straight, female, Muslim… For all! God’s love wins!” was similarly sprayed red to cover the word “gay.” Anti-Woman Since the election, the frequency and tone of street harassment of women seems to have changed. Women — about 5% of the total reports — reported that boys and men around the country are parroting the president-elect’s sexist and vulgar comments from the now-notorious 2005 audio tape. In Minneapolis, middle-school boys leaned out of a school bus to yell, “Grab her by the pussy!” to a man walking with a female colleague. A 50 year-old woman from Venice, California, reported that she had not been “catcalled” in over 20 years. The day after the election, three white men in a pickup truck bearing a Trump sticker shouted at her, “Do you want us to grab your pussy?” In Arlington, Virginia, a woman crossing the street reported that two young white men yelled at her from their car: “You better be ready because with Trump, we can grab you by the pussy even if you don’t want it.” In New York, a girl on her way to school reported that a man on the subway told her he was “allowed to grab my pussy because it’s legal now." A woman in Spokane, Washington, reported that she encountered young men who she described as being “‘liberated’ from normal behavior since the election.” They shouted “We’re going to rape you!” from a Jeep with the word “TRUMP” emblazoned on its side. And in a Brooklyn, New York, restaurant, a woman who voiced her support for Hillary Clinton was punched in the face by a male patron. Anti-Semitism In the wake of the election, we recorded 100 anti-Semitic incidents, about 12% of the total recorded. The figure includes 80 vandalism and graffiti incidents of swastikas, without specific references to Jews. Swastikas have been scrawled in public spaces, schools, driveways, and on people’s cars and garage doors. Many of these incidents simply feature a swastika and a reference to the president-elect. Other incidents involving swastikas are more clearly anti-Semitic. In Vermont, members of Havurah Synagogue found swastikas drawn on the temple’s front door in the week following the election. In Chicago, a man wearing a yarmulke was called a “kike.” While looking for Hanukkah decorations, a parent and her 2-year-old child in Bel Air, Maryland., were called “fucking Jews” by another shopper. In New York, a man drove by a Jewish woman waiting for a cab and yelled “nice nose!” before adding, “Make America great again.” “I have grown up in New York for 25 years and have never been the victim of an anti-Semitic remark,” she reported. In Albuquerque, New Mexico, a woman caught a stranger trying to take the “I’m With Her” bumper sticker off of her car. When confronted, the perpetrator asked her if she was a Jew because she “looked like one.” “Get ready for your next exodus lady,” they told her, “because we’re about to clean out this country.” White Nationalism White nationalists have openly embraced Donald Trump, and following his election victory, the language, literature, and symbols of white nationalism have cropped up throughout the country. A vast number of white nationalist fliers and recruiting materials have appeared in businesses, public parks, on people’s cars, in driveways, and, especially, on college campuses around the country. “Are you sick of anti-white propaganda in college? YOU ARE NOT ALONE,” a widely distributed flier read. “RACE IS REAL. Your professors are lying to you to keep their jobs.” Many fliers perpetuate long-debunked myths of white racial superiority and contain warnings against miscegenation. A handout found on many college campuses explained “Why White Women Shouldn’t Date Black Men.” Other posters encourage whites people to openly embrace their white identity. “Love who you are,” a flier at an Ohio university read, “white people have the right to exist as white people. BE WHITE.” The distribution of Klu Klux Klan recruiting materials has also been reported around the country. Anti-Trump Of the 867 hate incidents collected by the SPLC, 23 were anti-Trump. In the days following the election, there were far fewer reports of anti-Trump harassment and intimidation than there were of the other types of harassment catalogued in this report; however, the small number of anti-Trump incidents may also reflect the fact that Trump supporters may have been unlikely to report incidents to the SPLC. Many of the reported anti-Trump incidents were characterized by a connection between the targets and the Trump campaign. In Denver, for example, Trump campaign headquarters were vandalized with the word “No” the day after the election. Harassers also targeted people holding Trump signs or wearig Trump campaign paraphernalia, such as “Make America Great Again” hats. In New York, a man wearing a Trump hat was reportedly grabbed around the neck while riding the subway, and, in Connecticut, a man was assaulted after a verbal altercation over a Trump sign. In Chicago, a white motorist was assaulted by black teenagers who shouted, “It’s one of them white boy Trump guys!” after a reported traffic altercation. Report a Hate Incident Please report incidents of hateful
intimidation and harassment to your local law enforcement
first. Submitting the incident to the Southern Poverty Law
Center using this
form
Click
here
Source: bit.ly/2i7Tbva
1,094 Bias-Related
Incidents in the Month Following the Election The SPLC collected reports from news articles, social media, and direct submissions via our #ReportHate intake page. The SPLC made every effort to verify each report, but many included in the count remain anecdotal. Here's the breakdown nationwide: While the total number has surpassed the 1,000 mark, reports have slowed down significantly compared to the days immediately following the election. The reports are nonetheless as heartbreaking and infuriating as before. In Massachusetts: Just now, our 14 year old son walked into our house and informed me that he just experienced his first hate crime. It's dark out so he was riding his bike on the sidewalk down the street from our house. He sees a man walking in the middle of the sidewalk, so our son says, "Excuse me". The man steps to the side and then yells, "Hey nigger, next time get off of the bike". This is a quick walk from our new home and I am enraged and saddened that someone near us would do that. In Florida: I witnessed an apparently inebriated older white man in the park make an obscene gesture at two women in hijabs in a public park. The women scurried away and the man turned to me perhaps under the assumption that I shared his enmity. He made remarks about Ohio and, to the effect, that Muslims are subhuman and that “President Trump got his work cut out for him." We exchanged words but I avoided an altercation and left the scene. Overall, anti-immigrant incidents (315) remain the most reported, followed by anti-black (221), anti-Muslim (112), and anti-LGBT (109). Anti-Trump incidents numbered 26 (6 of which were also anti-white in nature, with 2 non-Trump related anti-white incidents reported). We’ve also been tracking false reports (13 total), as a handful of high profile incidents have been recently uncovered, including two (I, II) that we had previously counted and have removed for this update. While it is almost certain that more false reports will be uncovered, and the SPLC will be quick to update our database, the right-wing narrative that this wave of incidents are all hoaxes simply doesn’t stand up to the numbers. Counting all 13 false reports (listed at the bottom of this post), of which only two were counted in our previous reporting, amounts to just over 1 percent of the total number of incidents collected in this update. Let’s get to the numbers. As we’ve previously reported, many incidents cross multiple “types.” This voicemail, left at a church known for its immigrant community outreach in Grand Rapids, Michigan, on Nov. 21, we categorized as one incident. Its main type was anti-immigrant while its subtypes were anti-LGBT, anti-Latino, and Trump. Here’s the transcription: “I think this is the gay church, that help gays that get kicked out of the country along with all the fricken Mexicans that are illegal that you guys are hiding illegally. I hope Trump gets ya. Trump Trump Trump. Trump Trump Trump. Trump’s gonna get your asses out of here and throw you over the wall. You dirty rotten scumbags. Hillary is a scumbag bitch. too bad waaa waaa. Hillary lost. Hillary lost. Trump’s gonna getcha and throw you over the wall.” Like the incident above, around 37 percent of all incidents directly referenced either President-elect Donald Trump, his campaign slogans, or his infamous remarks about sexual assault. Within these Trump-related incidents, we can see which incident types most frequently included a reference to Trump (excluding anti- and pro-Trump only incidents which would both be 100 percent). By far, anti-woman incidents saw the greatest share: Trump-related incidents (including anti-Trump (26) incidents) appear to follow the same trend over time, dropping off since their peak during the period immediately following Election Day: The most frequently reported incident type, anti-immigrant (315) incidents, were around 29 percent of all of those reported to us. We saw a number of different targets, as well as a more generalized sentiment against perceived foreigners that was vague in terms of targeting race or country of origin. Those subtypes break down as follows, with anti-Muslim incidents included (anti-Muslim incidents, separate from our anti-immigrant count but related in quality, also encapsulate incidents that could also be defined as anti-Arab): Of particular note in this updated time period is a string of hateful anti-Muslim letters sent to mosques and Islamic centers around the country. Between Nov. 23 and Dec. 2, the following centers all received an identical letter that described Muslims as "Children of Satan” and a "vile and filthy people." California:
Elsewhere:
We’ve also been tracking the reported distribution of white nationalist (47), KKK (7), and anti-Semitic (3) posters and fliers. In total, we captured 57 separate incidents with a spike coming on the first Monday following the election: With white nationalist “alt-right” figureheads like Richard Spencer and Milo Yiannopolous touring college campuses, the increased confidence that these groups are feeling following Trump’s victory, and the unprecedented press attention they are receiving, it isn’t surprising to see that nearly 74 percent of these incidents occurred on campuses, where the ‘movement’ hopes to build its numbers. The white nationalist alt-right youth groups behind these incidents were American Vanguard, Identity Evropa, TheRightStuff. We collected reports from the following colleges and universities:
The breakdown of location types has stayed steady throughout our reporting, with the majority of incidents occurring at K-12 schools (226), businesses like Starbucks, Walmart, and restaurants (203), and colleges and universities (172). In the days to come, if you or someone you know has experienced or witnessed a hate incident, please consider submitting the incident to the SPLC after first reporting to the proper authorities. Likely False Reports:
Source: www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2016/12/16/update-1094-bias-related-incidents-month-following-election
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